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This paper, in the context of multilingual MT, proposes the use of ICONS (Individual CONstraintS) to add a representation of information structure to MRS. The value of ICONS is a list of objects of type info-str, each of which has the features CLAUSE and TARGET. The subtypes of info-str indicate which information structural role is played by the TARGET with respect to the CLAUSE. This proposal is designed to support both the calculation of focus projection from underspecified representations and the handling of multiclausal sentences.
Improved measurement of the decays η′ → π⁺π⁻π⁺⁽⁰⁾π⁻⁽⁰⁾ and search for the rare decay η′ → 4π⁰
(2024)
Using a sample of 10 billion J/ψ events collected with the BESIII detector, the decays η′→π+π−π+π−, η′→π+π−π0π0 and η′→4π0 are studied via the process J/ψ→γη′. The branching fractions of η′→π+π−π+π− and η′→π+π−π0 π0 are measured to be (8.56±0.25(stat.)±0.23(syst.))×10−5 and (2.12±0.12(stat.)±0.10(syst.))×10−4, respectively, which are consistent with previous measurements but with improved precision. No significant η′→4π0 signal is observed, and the upper limit on the branching fraction of this decay is determined to be less than 1.24×10−5 at the 90% confidence level. In addition, an amplitude analysis of η′→π+π−π+π− is performed to extract the doubly virtual isovector form factor α for the first time. The measured value of α=1.22±0.33(stat.)±0.04(syst.), is in agreement with the prediction of the VMD model.
A system of two coumarin-based caging groups is presented – one absorbing in the blue (400–450 nm) and the other absorbing in the green (480–550 nm) part of the visible spectrum. Together they form a pair, which allows to selectively photoactivate the one or the other in oligonucleotides. A numerical characterization defining the term “chromatic selectivity” was proposed, and it was shown how chromatically selective uncaging can literally be titrated in a kinetic reaction scheme.
Using e+e− collision data collected with the BESIII detector operating at the BEPCII collider, the Born cross sections of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c. and e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. are measured for the first time at center-of-mass energies of s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV. Non-zero cross sections are observed very close to the production threshold. The measured Born cross sections of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. are about 2∼3 times greater than those of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c., thereby indicating that the exotic structure potentially exists in the excited charmed baryons. The Born cross sections are 15.6±3.1±0.9 pb and 29.4±3.7±2.7 pb for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c., and are 43.4±4.0±4.1 pb and 76.8±6.5±4.2 pb for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. at s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV, respectively. Based on the polar angle distributions of the Λ¯c(2625)− and Λc(2625)+, the form-factor ratios |GE|2+3|GM|2−−−−−−−−−−−−√/|GC| are determined for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. for the first time, which are 5.95±4.07±0.15 and 0.94±0.32±0.02 at s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV, respectively. All of these first uncertainties are statistical and second systematic.
Yatabe (2021) presents a theory according to which the meaning of a word like 'different' in a sentence like 'Anna and Bill like different films' contains the meaning of a reciprocal pronoun. Since the postulated reciprocal meaning inside the meaning of a word like 'different' requires the presence of a semantic antecedent, the theory entails that the apparent internal reading of a sentence like 'John saw and reviewed different films', which does not contain a plural DP that could serve as the semantic antecedent of the postulated reciprocal meaning, must be licensed in a way that is entirely different from the way in which the internal reading of a sentence like 'Anna and Bill like different films' is licensed. In the present paper, I adduce additional pieces of evidence for this theory. In order to enhance the plausibility of the proposed theory, I also show how the collective interpretation of reciprocals and the interaction of reciprocals and cumulative interpretation can be accounted for within the theory.
Using e+e− collision data collected with the BESIII detector operating at the BEPCII collider, the Born cross sections of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c. and e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. are measured for the first time at center-of-mass energies of s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV. Non-zero cross sections are observed very close to the production threshold. The measured Born cross sections of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. are about 2∼3 times greater than those of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c., thereby indicating that the exotic structure potentially exists in the excited charmed baryons. The Born cross sections are 15.6±3.1±0.9 pb and 29.4±3.7±2.7 pb for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c., and are 43.4±4.0±4.1 pb and 76.8±6.5±4.2 pb for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. at s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV, respectively. Based on the polar angle distributions of the Λ¯c(2625)− and Λc(2625)+, the form-factor ratios |GE|2+3|GM|2−−−−−−−−−−−−√/|GC| are determined for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. for the first time, which are 5.95±4.07±0.15 and 0.94±0.32±0.02 at s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV, respectively. All of these first uncertainties are statistical and second systematic.
Semantic Representations become useful resources for various multilingual NLP applications such as Machine Translation, Multilingual Generation, cross Lingual QA, to name a few. No Semantic Representation, to our knowledge, adopts vivakṣā (Speaker's intention) as a guiding principle for the representation. This motivates us to develop a new Semantic Representation system – "Universal Semantic Representation (USR)" – following Indian Grammatical Tradition (IGT) and Paninian grammar. Since USR is designed to be language-independent, we have currently taken up the task of generating English, Hindi, Tamil and Bangla from the USR. For English generation, the USR is mapped to ERG meaning representation (Flickinger, D. 1999) which is couched in Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS). We use an off-the-shelf ACE generator that uses ERG as a resource-grammar for generating English. While designing the transfer module from USR to ERG-based MRS, we came across various Abstract Predicates (APs) in MRS representation as described in ErgSemantics_Basic (Flickinger et al., 2014). These APs are used to represent the semantic contribution of grammatical constructions or more specialized lexical entries such as compounding or the comparative use of more and so on. This paper presents the strategy for postulating the APs from the information given in USR and then reports the implementation of the transfer module keeping the focus on the postulation of APs. We get around 95% accuracy in postulating APs from USRs.
Soranî Kurdish can reference up to two arguments morphologically, a subject agreement marker and an incorporated object pronoun. One of the argument referencing morphs is verb-bound and occurs in a fixed position in the verb template (after the stem), while the other is a mobile morph that can occur either verb-internally (in second or last position) or verb externally. Either the subject agreement marker or the object incorporated pronoun can be verb bound or mobile morphs, depending on the tense and presence of an NP complement. Previous literature has analyzed mobile morphs as (VP) endoclitics. We argue that this is not the case as verb-external mobile morphs occur at the end of the last word of the least oblique NP complement and cannot attach to the last word of VP-internal PPs. We provide an edge-feature based analysis of verb-external mobile morphs and show that the same realizational rules account for the exponents of mobile morph features whether they occur verb-internally or verb-externally. We furthermore suggest that the dissociation between paradigm class (verb-bound or mobile morph) and syntactic status (subject or object; agreement marker vs. incorporated pronoun) challenges views that treat morphological structure as isomorphic to syntactic structure.
Using e+e− collision data collected with the BESIII detector operating at the BEPCII collider, the Born cross sections of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c. and e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. are measured for the first time at center-of-mass energies of s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV. Non-zero cross sections are observed very close to the production threshold. The measured Born cross sections of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. are about 2∼3 times greater than those of e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c., thereby indicating that the exotic structure potentially exists in the excited charmed baryons. The Born cross sections are 15.6±3.1±0.9 pb and 29.4±3.7±2.7 pb for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2595)−+c.c., and are 43.4±4.0±4.1 pb and 76.8±6.5±4.2 pb for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. at s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV, respectively. Based on the polar angle distributions of the Λ¯c(2625)− and Λc(2625)+, the form-factor ratios |GE|2+3|GM|2−−−−−−−−−−−−√/|GC| are determined for e+e−→Λ+cΛ¯c(2625)−+c.c. for the first time, which are 5.95±4.07±0.15 and 0.94±0.32±0.02 at s√=4918.0 and 4950.9 MeV, respectively. All of these first uncertainties are statistical and second systematic.
The paper examines borrowed instances of what we call emphatic superlative ever (ES-ever) into two Germanic languages (Dutch and German) and two Romance languages (French and Spanish). We base our study on extensive corpus data. We model the data in three stages ranging from constructional borrowing (Stage-1: el coolest job ever 'the coolest job ever'), via diaconstructions (Stage-2: la mejor canción ever 'the best song ever'), up to lexical borrowing (Stage-3: las portadas más photoshopeadas ever 'the most photoshoped portals ever'). We extend an earlier approach to social meaning in HPSG to borrowing.