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Terrorism isn't new to the country; in its history, France has experienced a significant number of attacks. In 1995, the GIA-affiliated terrorist network of which Khaled Kelkal was part conducted several attacks, as did the Al Qaida-affiliated gang de Roubaix one year later; but until Mohammed Merah’s murders in 2012 in Toulouse and Montauban, terrorist attacks were treated as political violence in the context of anti-colonial struggles or connected to other kinds of violent conflicts abroad, such as the Bosnian War, rather than as religiously inspired or connected to social, societal and/or political issues within the country, or as some sort of atypical pathology. Terrorist perpetrators, their networks and milieus were met with repressive instruments – a wider angle of analysis which would have allowed to tackle the threat from a more holistic perspective had not been incorporated in a counter-terrorism policy design.
It is widely thought that the international community, taken as a whole, is required to take action to prevent terrorism. Yet, what each state is required to do in this project is unclear and contested. This article examines a number of bases on which we might assign responsibilities to conduct counterterrorist operations to states. I argue that the ways in which other sorts of responsibilities have been assigned to states by political philosophers will face significant limitations when used to assign the necessary costs of preventing terrorism. I go on to suggest that appealing to the principle of fairness—which assigns obligations on the basis of benefits received from cooperative endeavours—may be used to make up the shortfall, despite this principle having received relatively little attention in existing normative accounts of states’ responsibilities.
Dies ist ein Crosspost mit freundlicher Genehmigung der Hessischen Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Der Beitrag findet sich ebenso auf der Seite der HSFK.
Trotz Bangen war am Ende allen zum Feiern zumute: Am 16. Dezember 2016 fasste die fünfte Überprüfungskonferenz der UN-Waffenkonvention (Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, CCW) unter pakistanischem Vorsitz den Beschluss, im nächsten Jahr eine offizielle Expertenkommission einzusetzen, die sich mit letalen autonomen Waffensystemen (Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems, LAWS) befassen soll. Diese Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) wird unter indischem Vorsitz „open-ended“ tagen und 2017 zu zwei je fünftägigen Treffen zusammenkommen...
In Anbetracht der wachsenden soziokulturellen Vielfalt in Deutschland und in anderen europäischen Ländern wächst die Relevanz pädagogischer Ansätze zur kulturellen Verständigung und somit auch der soziokulturellen Kommunikation und Sozialisationsforschung.
D. Kumbier und F. Schulz von Thun beschreiben diese Situation in folgender Weise: "Wenn Menschen miteinander in Kontakt treten, prallen Welten aufeinander. Das ist schon innerhalb einer Kultur der Fall, weil jeder mit einem persönlichen mentalen System ausgestattet ist, das ihn zu einem einmaligen und einsamen Inselbewohner macht. Unsere ganze Kommunikationspsychologie legt es darauf an, für diesen Prozess der Bewegung von Welten ein Bewusstsein zu schaffen und auf diese Grundlage kompetente Umgangsformen aufzubauen" (Kumbier/Schulz von Thun 2008, S. 9).
Hier begegnen sich zwei Welten, die auf zwei verschiedenen Kontinenten liegen, deren Werteorientierungen und kulturelle Normen und Gebräuche auf verschiedenen Weltreligionen basieren, die sich im Laufe der Jahrhunderte anders entwickelt haben. Hier ist die Rede von Asien und Europa, vom Christentum und Islam, von einem Entwicklungsland und einem Industrieland, nämlich von Afghanistan und Deutschland.
Eine nähere Betrachtung zeigt, dass das Christentum, das Judentum und der Islam eine gemeinsame Wurzel haben und sich von dem gemeinsamen Stammvater Abraham herleiten. Der große Unterschied besteht darin, dass Europa die Aufklärung erlebt hat und Religion heute überwiegend als eine Option empfunden wird. ...
Imperialism is the domination of one state by another. This paper sketches a nonrepublican account of domination that buttresses this definition of imperialism. It then defends the following claims. First, there is a useful and defensible distinction between colonial and liberal imperialism, which maps on to a distinction between what I will call coercive and liberal domination. Second, the main institutions of contemporary globalization, such as the WTO, the IMF, the World Bank, etc., are largely the instruments of liberal imperialism; they are a reincarnation of what Karl Kautsky once called ‘ultraimperialism’. Third, resistance to imperialism can no longer be founded on a fundamental right to national self-determination. Such a right is conditional upon and derivative of a more general right to resist domination.
This is the 22. article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Changing political and economic situations generate new types of political protagonists – the far right is no exception here. Whether its structures and organizational forms endure, whether they diffuse (trans)nationally, whether their models prove successful, depends on various factors. A model that is currently about to serve as a flagship for the far right in Europe is the neo-fascist movement / party CasaPound. So why is this organizational model within the far right in Italy and Europe so successful?
My contribution is intended to shed light on the hybridity of CasaPound and the resulting force for the renewal of fascism. To carry out my argument, I will first describe the evolution of CasaPound from a movement to a party. Then I will discuss strategies and practices in terms of organizational and ideological hybridization, to finally outline the European dimension of the self-proclaimed „fascists of the third millennium“...
CfP: "Digital -Dis-Orders"
(2016)
The 7th Annual Graduate Conference of the Cluster of Excellence „Normative Orders“ is taking place from 17 to 19 November 2016 at Goethe-University Frankfurt. The call for papers to this year’s conference theme „Digital <Dis>Orders“ (@digdis2016) is open until 30 June 2016.
This is the 26. article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
In Poland, the long lasting culture war1 over gender roles and religion has been easily framed by the far right into Samuel Huntington’s concept of the “clash of civilizations”. A well-known juxtaposition used in right-wing propaganda: ‘civilization of life’ vs. ‘civilization of death’ in reference to anti-abortion and pro-choice movements respectively is now used to refer to Christians and Muslims. The role of Polish women and the right to abortion remain in the center of the conflict of modernity.
In Europe, the far right heats up the moral panic caused by fear of terrorism, pointing to Muslims as a threat to ‘European’ liberties, especially women’s and LGBT rights. The assaults on women celebrating New Year’s Eve on the streets of Cologne, serve Pegida and many nationalist organizations in Europe as a proof of Arab’s attitude to ‘Western’ expressions of femininity. This argument in the anti-immigration discourse of the far right is well-grounded in nationalists’ ideal of a strong man defending ‘his’ woman. Although, the task might be understood literally, in the context of the assaults in Cologne, protecting wives, mothers, sisters and daughters of the nation has a broader symbolic meaning. Scholars interested in relationship between gender and nation, state that in nationalists discourse women symbolize the nation and are bearers of values.2 In islamophobic discourse female citizens of Europe signify Europeans’ equality and freedom...