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Das Buch von Joachim Ehlers enthält der Zielsetzung der Reihe "Wissen" entsprechend eine relativ kurze und kompakte monographische Darstellung des Hundertjährigen Krieges, bei der die Aufgabe der Wissensvermittlung im Vordergrund steht. Damit hat es für deutsche Leser dieselbe Funktion, die in Frankreich die in einem sehr ähnlichen Format erscheinenden Bände der Reihe "Que sais-je?" erfüllen. Dort wurde eine vergleichbare Darstellung des Hundertjährigen Krieges von Philippe Contamine (La guerre de Cent ans, 9. aktualisierte Auflage, Paris 2010) veröffentlicht. ...
Professeur émérite d’histoire médiévale à l’Université libre de Berlin, spécialiste d’Hugues de Saint-Victor et d’Henri le Lion, mais aussi de la société et de la culture médiévales, de l’Europe du haut Moyen Âge et de la France des Capétiens, l’auteur propose ici un petit livre qui fournit un excellent aperçu du devenir de la chevalerie entre les XI e et XV e siècles: origine, évolution et finalement déclin de l’ordo militaris dans l’espace européen. Il s’agit d’une belle approche d’une réalité et de ses représentations rituelles et symboliques, à travers notamment Hastings, les croisades, les joutes et les tournois. ...
Rezension zu Joachim Höppner/Waltraud Seidel-Höppner: Etienne Cabet und seine Ikarische Kolonie. Sein Weg vom Linksliberalen zum Kommunisten und seine Kolonie in Darstellung und Dokumentation. Schriftenreihe der Internationalen Forschungsstelle "Demokratische Bewegungen in Mitteleuropa 1770-1850", Bd. 33. Frankfurt/M.: Peter Lang, 2002.
Rezension zu Joachim Jacob u. Pascal Nicklas (Hg.): Palimpseste. Zur Erinnerung an Norbert Altenhofer, Heidelberg (Winter) 2004 (= Frankfurter Beiträge zur Germanistik; Bd. 41). 240 Seiten.
Die Herausgeber haben den Band der Erinnerung an Norbert Altenhofer gewidmet. Altenhofer selbst hatte sich einen Namen als ausgewiesener Heine-Spezialist gemacht, und so nimmt es nicht wunder, dass sich immerhin vier der insgesamt 12 Beiträge mit Heine beschäftigen. Die restlichen sind zumeist im Bereich der klassischen Moderne angesiedelt und spiegeln damit die komparatistischen Interessen Altenhofers wider. Schließlich folgen noch zwei Texte, die sich mit W. G. Sebald bzw. Günter Eich auseinandersetzen.
Rezension zu Jochen Hörisch: Der Sinn und die Sinne. Eine Geschichte der Medien. Frankfurt/M. (Eichborn) 2001 (= Die Andere Bibliothek; Bd. 195). 443 Seiten.
Die Bücher des Mannheimer Literatur- und Medienwissenschaftlers Jochen Hörisch sind schon immer mehr als reine "Bibliotheksbücher" gewesen. Als bedürfe es noch eines weiteren Beweises, ist sein neuestes Buch im börsennotierten Eichborn Verlag in der von Hans Magnus Enzensberger herausgegebenen 'Anderen Bibliothek' erschienen.
Rezension zu Jochen Hörisch: Theorie-Apotheke. Eine Handreichung zu den humanwissenschaftlichen Theorien der letzten fünfzig Jahre, einschließlich ihrer Risiken und Nebenwirkungen. Frankfurt am Main (Eichborn) 2004. 323 S.
Angesichts der wirren Zeitläufte mit ihrer Neigung zur umgesetzten Dystopie diagnostiziert der Verf., Professor für Literatur- und Medienwissenschaften an der Universität Mannheim, ein "fragiles Comeback des Prestiges von humanwissenschaftlichen Theorien " (317), mithin ein auch bei den Humanwissenschaftlern grassierendes Bedürfnis nach Sicherheit, Sinn und kohärenter Ordnung. Ihnen und allen interessierten Laien bietet er nun eine 'Handreichung', so der gewiß nicht ironisch gemeinte Untertitel, ein Hilfsmittel, halb Lexikon, halb Vademecum für den wissenschaftlichen Alltag bzw. den Hausgebrauch. Darin will der Verf. "Grundzüge, Grundgesten und Grundbegriffe derjenigen Theorien vorstellen und prüfen, die in den letzten fünfzig Jahren das Sagen hatten und zum Widerspruch reizten." Gleichzeitig ersteht hinter dieser Theorie-Landschaft ein wissenschaftshistorisches und, mittelbar, ein geisteswissenschaftliches Panorama der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts samt allen Krisen und Irrungen.
The history of German migration policies was a growth industry during the 1990s. The political battles of the present, such as asylum legislation, integration, and citizenship reform, created growing interest in the German historical experience of migration, migration controls and citizenship law. At the time, the only major work to tackle the subject was Klaus Bade's pioneering study of Prussian migration policies before the First World War, recently republished in an updated edition.[1] Initially, interest in German migration policies was guided largely by two leading questions. Histories of citizenship in Germany tended to adopt a long or a comparative perspective, which sought to test the hypothesis that German citizenship law and its implementation in practice reflected a particularly ethnic German conception of nationhood.[2] Histories of migration policy, by contrast, tended to focus on particular episodes in which a German tendency to view migrants primarily with regard to their usefulness, and not as potential immigrants and future citizens, clearly emerged, especially with regards to histories of the German Empire, the First World War, National Socialism, the Second World War and the post-war treatment of Gastarbeiter. The Weimar Republic, in contrast, was usually passed over in a few pages that highlighted the continuity of labor market control.[3] This state of affairs was remarkable because research on other countries highlighted the interwar period as an epoch of massive change in international migration policies. Race and ethnicity loomed larger than they had before, as indicated by the implementation of a quota system and barred zones in the United States. Moreover, with the First World War came the introduction of documentation requirements and the creation of labor-management bureaucracies that facilitated the distinction between citizens and aliens, as well as attempts to match labor supply to labor demand. Gérard Noiriel had even gone so far as to argue, largely with a view to migration and documentation policies, that the practices of Vichy had their roots in republican reforms of the late 1920s and 1930s.[4] Jochen Oltmer's magisterialHabilitationsschrift closes this gap all but completely. Based on a thorough reading of the archival record and contemporary public debate, his book shows that the transition from the politics of the First World War to the politics of National Socialism in the years of a labor shortage was more complicated previously assumed. He also highlights that migration policy was a field in which the Weimar Republic's problems emerged with particular poignancy. Oltmer's account is organized thematically rather than chronologically, though his subjects are arranged in the order in which they emerged as the main foci of internal administrative and public political debate. In the Weimar Republic's early years, these topics concerned ethnic Germans left outside the Empire's post-Versailles borders, prisoners of war and political refugees. In the later years, the position of migrant workers gained more prominence. While publicly committed to aiding fellow Germans, the republic's practice was ambivalent. The arrival of former residents of Alsace--mostly skilled workers in industries where labor was in demand, from a territory unlikely to be re-conquered soon--was welcome, but emigration of ethnic Germans from areas under Polish control was actively discouraged. The official view of these potential emigrants was less positive, their numbers were larger by several orders of magnitude and maintaining a visible German minority outside Germany's eastern borders seemed a good way to bolster the German case for a revision of the Treaty of Versailles. Migrants from Poland who could not prove they had been persecuted could therefore only expect accommodation in forbidding refugee camps in remote locations. As Oltmer's third chapter shows, this attitude also shaped the Weimar Republic's response to ethnic German emigration from Russia, which peaked during the famine years of the 1920s. Individual ethnicity was, therefore, not a dominant factor in the treatment of refugees; aliens of all ethnic backgrounds remained in a precarious position in the Weimar Republic, regardless of whether they were former prisoners of war who had opted to stay, or Jewish refugees from eastern and southeastern Europe who loomed relatively large in public debates or refugees from Soviet Russia. Ethnicity and race also loomed large in debates on the desirability of labor immigration. In general, the attitudes of state governments had more or less come full circle since the days of the empire. Whereas Prussia had been most concerned about the impact of Polish immigrants on national homogeneity before 1914, Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg proved most rigid after 1919. However, the majority of migrant workers were interested in jobs in Prussia, in the industrial areas of the Ruhr and, more prominently, in the agricultural east, which continued to rely on the access to Polish labor markets, particularly for potato planting and harvesting. In theory, the states and the empire had a powerful new tool to control labor migration: the obligatory work permit, issued only if no German applicants could be found for a job. Things were, however, not so simple in practice. Political interest in ethnic homogeneity was equal to interest in increasing the supply of food, a goal that could only be achieved, East Elbian landowners claimed, if Polish seasonal workers remained available to German employers. Immigration was, however, regarded with distaste by the völkisch right, Prussia's conservative bureaucracy and the Social Democrats, who viewed Polish laborers as an obstacle to the long-overdue modernization of rural Prussia through mechanization and unionization. The solution, fixed quotas for migrant laborers set to decline every year, proved unworkable, as rural employers turned to undocumented laborers. Moreover, the German government did its bit to undermine respect for legality in immigration matters. Seeking to reimpose a de facto policy forcing Polish migrants to return home for part of the year to prevent their settlement in Poland, German officials came into conflict with Polish determination to cut the state's ties to long-term emigrants, and were frequently forced to aid migrants in clandestinely crossing the border, before an unequal agreement could be concluded with Poland in 1927 that confirmed the status of Polish workers as second-class migrants excluded from social insurance and subject to a forced return for part of the year. Oltmer's comprehensively documented study does more than simply fill a gap in existing research. He unearths a striking pattern to Weimar policies, which could be found in many other fields of policy and may contribute to explaining why successive Weimar governments had such a difficult time in gaining the population's respect. Public pronouncements frequently contradicted secret or semi-secret policies. Official quotas for foreign workers, for example, were unofficially raised and little attempt was made to sanction employers of undocumented workers. Such actions exposed the Republic to criticism from the right and created a climate in which even more restrictive National Socialist policies could acquire broad popular support. Oltmer's book thus treats a question at the center, not the periphery, of the Weimar years.