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This paper examines the development of periphrastic constructions involving auxiliary "have" and "be" with a past participle in the history of English, on the basis of parsed electronic corpora. It is argued that the two constructions represented distinct syntactic and semantic structures: while the one with have developed into a true perfect in the course of Middle English, the one with be remained a stative resultative throughout its history. In this way, it is explained why the be construction was rarely or never used in a number of contexts, including past counterfactuals, iteratives, duratives, certain kinds of infinitives and various other utterance types that cannot be characterized as perfects of result. When the construction with have became a true perfect, it was used in such contexts, regardless of the identity of the main verb, leading to the appearance of have with verbs like come which had previously only taken be. Crucially, however, have was not spreading at the expense of be, as the be perfect had never been used in such contexts, but rather at the expense of the old simple past. At least until the end of the Early Modern English period, the shift in the relative frequency of have and be perfects is to be explained in terms of the expansion of the former into new contexts, while the latter remained stable. A formal analysis is proposed, taking as its starting point a comparison with German which shows that the older English be perfect indeed behaves more like the German stative passive than its haben and sein perfects.
This paper focuses on restrictions on the ordering of internal constituents of noun phrases in Chichewa, especially when those constituents are discontinuous. The motivation for discontinuity of the NP constituents will be given, together with discussion of constructions that can be subsumed under this rubric but that do not really involve discontinuity in the canonical sense. These are constructions where a topic NP in a left periphery position is either linked anaphorically with a modifier "remnant" or semantically with its hyponym in post-verbal position. According to Guthrie's classification of Bantu languages, Chichewa is placed in zone N unit N31. It is regarded as a dialect of Nyanja, classified as belonging to unit N30 (Guthrie 1967-71).
This report explores the question of compatibility between annotation projects including translating annotation formalisms to each other or to common forms. Compatibility issues are crucial for systems that use the results of multiple annotation projects. We hope that this report will begin a concerted effort in the field to track the compatibility of annotation schemes for part of speech tagging, time annotation, treebanking, role labeling and other phenomena.
The phenomenon discussed in this paper is the so-called expletive negation in negated yes/no questions in Serbo-Croatian. The term expletive negation seems, at this point to be a useful descriptive term for the phenomenon in question. One of the goals of this paper, however, is to show that it is not the correct one. Proposing the existence of semantically vacuous negation is the consequence of the assumption that sentential negation has a fixed position in the clausal hierarchy (Brown and Franks 1995). This approach cannot account for the relevant data in Serbo-Croatian. My claim is that the cases under consideration involve an alternative position of NegP in Serbo-Croatian, above TP. It is confined to the derivation of one semantic type of negated yes/no interrogatives, and it cannot trigger negative concord.
Modern theorists rarely agree on how to represent the categories of tense and aspect, making a consistent analysis for phenomena, such as the present perfect, more difficult to attain. It has been argued in previous analyses that the variable behavior of the present perfect between languages licenses independently motivated treatments, particularly of a morphosyntactic or semanticsyntactic nature (Giorgi & Pianesi 1997; Schmitt 2001; Ilari 2001). More specifically, the wellknown readings of the American English (AE) present perfect (resultative, experiential, persistent situation, recent past (Comrie 1976)), are at odds with the readings of the corresponding structure in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), the 'pretérito perfeito composto' (default iterativity and occasional duration (Ilari 1999)). Despite these variations, the present work, assuming a tense-aspect framework at the semantic-pragmatic interface, will provide a unified analysis for the present perfect in AE and BP, which have traditionally been treated as semantically divergent. The present perfect meaning, in conjunction with the aspectual class of the predicate, can account for the major differences between languages, particularly regarding iterativity and the "present perfect puzzle", regarding adverb compatibility.
Agreement is traditionally viewed as a cross-referencing device for core arguments such as subjects and (primary) objects.1 In this paper, I discuss data from Bantu languages that lead to a radical departure from this generally accepted position: agreement in a subset of Bantu languages cross-references a (sentential) topic rather than the subject. The crucial evidence for topic agreement comes from a construction known as subject-object (S-O) reversal, where the fronted patient agrees with what has uniformly been taken to be a `subject marker'. The correct analysis of S-O reversal as a topic construction with `topic agreement' explains a range of known facts in the languages in question. Furthermore, synchronic variation across Bantu in the presence/absence of S-O reversal and in the properties of the (topic/subject) agreement marker suggests a diachronic path from topic to subject marking. The systematic variation and covariation in the syntax of Bantu languages and the historical picture that it offers would be missed altogether if we continue to reject the idea that the notion of topic can be deeply grammaticized in the form of agreement.
This paper focuses on different subtypes of constructions involving temporally bounded quantification, e.g. sequences like David visited Rome three times followed by temporal phrases as different as (i) last year, which defines a time interval; (ii) in less that two months, which defines an amount of time; and (iii) per month, which refers to a time unit. As for the first two types of temporal phrases, data will be presented which shows that they have specific linguistic properties in these quantifying contexts, and do not behave exactly as the locating or duration adverbials they are superficially identical with. The third type of phrases will receive special attention. Structures with frequency adverbials like n times per month will be analysed compositionally, separating the quantified component n times from the temporally binding phrase per month (whose role is comparable to that of adverbials (i) and (ii) in the relevant constructions). The data presented is mainly from Portuguese, although the issues at stake – the linguistic properties of temporally bounded quantification – are obviously relevant to parallel constructions in other languages.
Wenn man heute neue lexikografische Projekte plant, ist es unerlässlich, sowohl den Computer als Arbeitswerkzeug, als auch das elektronische Medium als Publikationsmedium in die Konzeption einzubeziehen. Dabei ist es oft erwünscht, die einmal erarbeiteten lexikografischen Daten mehrfach zu verwerten, sei es als gedruckte und elektronische Version eines Wörterbuchs, sei es einmal als eine lange und kurze Ausführung eines lexikografischen Produkts oder als eine ausschließlich elektronische, aber benutzeradaptiv unterschiedliche Darstellung der gleichen lexikografischen Daten. (Vgl. u.a. Schryver 2003, Storrer 2001, Engelberg/Lemnitzer 2001, S. 220ff.) Solche Wünsche sind mit den heutigen Möglichkeiten des Computereinsatzes zu erfüllen, doch müssen die lexikografischen Prozesse entsprechend geplant werden. Vor allem die Frage der Strukturierung und Aufbereitung der lexikografischen Daten muss sorgfältig überlegt sein, denn hierbei wird der Grundstein dafür gelegt, wie flexibel auf die Daten zugegriffen werden kann und wie unterschiedlich darstellbar sie sind. Für einen inhaltlich wie gestalterisch möglichst flexiblen Umgang mit lexikografischen Daten ist daher eine bestimmte Form der Datenmodellierung und -auszeichnung erforderlich. Das Stichwort, das in diesem Zusammenhang immer wieder fällt, ist das der medienneutralen Datenhaltung. Doch wie müssen lexikografische Daten ausgezeichnet werden, damit diese Kodierung losgelöst von den Eigenschaften einer bestimmten Präsentation ist? Welche Richtlinien können hier projektübergreifend angewandt werden? Die moderne Wörterbuchforschung gibt darauf noch keine hinreichenden Antworten. Vor allem fehlen klare, theoretisch fundierte und intersubjektiv nachvollziehbare Richtlinien für die maßgeschneiderte Modellierung lexikografischer Daten. Denn oft ist es in lexikografischen Projekten nicht möglich, eine Standard-Modellierung wie die TEI2 oder leXeML3 anzuwenden, da diese kein ausreichend granulares und maßgeschneidertes Modellierungsinventar bieten, um die lexikografischen Daten später sehr flexibel darstellen zu können und verschiedenartige Zugriffsstrukturen zu bieten. Doch auch bei der Entwicklung einer maßgeschneiderten Modellierung ist es wichtig, einen klaren Leitfaden für die Datenmodellierung zu haben, um nicht bei jedem Phänomen neu entscheiden zu müssen, wie die Modellierung aussehen soll. Ziel dieses Aufsatzes ist es daher, ein Konzept vorzustellen, welche Eigenschaften lexikografischer Daten Gegenstand für eine Modellierung einer lexikografischen Datenbasis sein sollen, wie eine solche Modellierung aussehen kann und schließlich auch, welche Folgen diese Art der Modellierung für die lexikografische Praxis hat. Ein wichtiger Teil dieses Konzepts der Inhaltsstrukturen ist dabei auch die Entwicklung und Ausgestaltung einer eigenen Terminologie; auch in Abgrenzung zu Wiegands Konzept der Mikrostrukturen (vgl. Abschnitt 5).
Multiple modals construction
(2006)
Modal items of different semantic types can only be combined in a specific order. Epistemic items, for instance, cannot be embedded under deontic ones. I'll argue that this fact cannot be explained by the current semantic theories of modality. A solution to this problem will be developed in an update semantics framework. On the semantic side, a distinction will be drawn between circumstantial information about the world and information about duties, whereas I'll use Nuyts' notion of m-performativity to account for certain use of the modal items.
Als ich im Juli 2002 vor der Philosophischen Fakultät der Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf meinen Habilitationsvortrag über populäre Anglizismenkritik hielt, ahnte ich noch nicht, zu welchen Aufgeregtheiten ich damit bzw. mit der Veröffentlichung im Sprachreport (4/2002: 4-10) und im Internet (http://www.phil-fak.uniduesseldorf.de/germ1/mitarbeiter/niehr/anglizismen. html) Anlass geben würde. Ich hatte in dieser Veröffentlichung aufgezeigt, dass die Kriterien, die der Verein deutsche sprache (VDS) zur Grundlage seiner sprachkritischen Beurteilung von Anglizismen heranzieht, nicht nur einer linguistischen Überprüfung nicht standhalten, sondern auch für die Sprachpraxis völlig ungeeignet sind.