SFB 268
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Le rôle de l’action anthropique dans la dégradation des ressources naturelles à Niaogho-Béguédo
(2000)
La détérioration des conditions climatiques dans les pays du Sahel depuis plus de quatre décennies a entraîné la fragilisation de leurs écosystèmes et accéléré la dégradation des ressources naturelles dont les effets se répercutent durement sur les conditions de vie des populations. Mais si le facteur climatique est unanimement mis en cause, il ne faut cependant pas occulter la dimension humaine de la dynamique environnementale. En effet, les représentations de l’espace et la perception que les populations ont de leur environnement, les systèmes de production, le rôle des acteurs sociaux dans la gestion des ressources naturelles sont des facteurs qui déterminent également leur évolution. Au Burkina Faso, la dégradation des ressources naturelles a pris des proportions inquiétantes dans certaines régions. La persistance de la sécheresse a accéléré la dégradation des ressources en eaux, sols et végétation, avec une ampleur particulière dans certaines zones agro-climatiques. La présente étude est la synthèse d’une série de recherches effectuées à Niagho-Béguédo sur les déterminants anthropiques de la dynamique environnementale. Elle met en exergue les interactions entre les systèmes de production traditionnels, la gestion des ressources naturelles et leur conservation durable à travers les aspects suivants: • les facteurs explicatifs des transformations du milieu. • La logique paysanne des changements environnementaux et les réponses face à ces changements. • Les attitudes des populations à l’égard des actions entreprises par l’état pour la sauvegarde de l’environnement.
The Nigerian agricultural sector deserves to be studied not less for the contribution of such knowledge to our understanding of the past, and present, but more for the usefulness of such knowledge in shaping the sector. The role that agriculture plays in Nigeria’s national economy since her independence may be determined by considering first, the changing structure of the national economy. As the national economy changes, also the role of agriculture. The observed structure at successive periods thus reveals the contribution that agriculture makes to the national economy. A total picture could also be presented through an examination of the contribution of agriculture to the gross domestic product GDP, over the years. It is also possible to add to the above presentation, the annual production of each agricultural crop over the period, or the productivity of the individual farmer as the years pass by. No doubt, the role of agriculture shall not remain static, for as deliberate efforts are made to develop the economy, the agricultural sector is also affected, although several endogenous factors also influence development within the sector. An emperical approach to the understanding of what is happening within the sector is to be prefered and such is documented in small scale studies conducted already by such scolars as FRICKE (1965), TIFFEN (1976) and MALCHAU (1999a+b).
Dans la géographie linguistique et culturelle de l’Afrique de l’Ouest le monde mandé est situé dans la partie Ouest du continent avec son point capital au cours supérieur du Niger. Au Burkina Faso, les groupes mandés ne sont qu’une petite minorité. Vu de tous ces deux coté, le Mandé au Burkina Faso semble donc être un sujet marginal: avec le Burkina se trouvant au bord du monde mandé et avec les groupes mandés étant une minorité dans les sociétés burkinabé. Donc, pourquoi est-ce que nous avons quand même posé les groupes mandés du Burkina Faso au milieu d’un projet pluridisciplinaire et pourquoi est-ce que nous tendons à présenter ici nos élaborations sur ces groupes?
Pendants les années 1997 et 1998, un groupe des chercheurs de SFB 268 a effectué, dans la région de l’Atakora, des recherches botaniques, ethnologiques et géographiques concernant l’histoire du peuplement. Les travaux étaient concentrés sur la partie ouest de la région, c’est-à-dire le triangle Boukombé, Natitingou, Toucountouna. En résultat, il est possible aujourd’hui de faire une chronologie relative à l’histoire du peuplement dans cette région. En contraire, il manque toujours une chronologie absolue, pour cela il faut encore des recherches approfondies. Pourtant nous allons proposer, dans le cours de cette contribution, des hypothèses montrant le cadre, dans lequel une périodisation peut être possible.
On doit se demander si la richesse évidente des morts de Kissi n’était pas le résultat visible d’un commerce d’or. Malheureusement, à Kissi comme ailleurs, nous ne sommes pas en mesure de donner une réponse positive à partir des seules données archéologiques. Mais si l’on admet que les Arabes au Maghreb ont déjà commencé pendant la conquête à frapper des pièces en or dont le matériel venait du sud, on n’échappe que difficilement à la conclusion qu’ils le tiraient d’une structure des relations commerciales existantes. Ces relations peuvent déjà dater de l’époque du 3e/ 4e AD, mais sont assez sûres pour l’époque byzantine, notamment pour le temps sous regard dans cette communication, le 6e et 7e siècle de notre ère.
One of the powerful conventional images of pre-colonial Africa is that of a continent of more or less immobile ethnic groups, living since time immemorial on their ancestral lands, steeped in their traditional cultures. In this image, Africa appears like a mosaic, with clearcut ethnic boundaries, each sherd representing a different people cum language cum culture cum territory. Since a number of years, however, historians and anthropologists of Africa have insisted that this image is misleading. Most pre-colonial societies were characterised by mobility, overlapping networks, multiple group membership and the contextdependent drawing of boundaries. Communities could be based on neighbourhood, kinship and common loyalties to a king, but this did not absolutely have to include notions of a common origin, a common language or a common culture. Our own research on the West African savannah has also shown the enormous importance of mobility. Among the societies of southern and southwestern Burkina Faso, for instance, which several projects have studied, there is hardly a single village whose history has not been characterised repeatedly by the arrival and settlement of new groups and the departure of others. In some cases, we can even speak of systematic practices of multilocality.
The conflict I refer to happened at the beginning of the 1998 farming season when the distribution of land started. The seasonal migrants went into the village area were they had been farming since many years, they gave their contributions and payments to the respective officials and started to prepare the land. Shortly after they had started to plant the beans – the main cash crop beside fishing – they were harassed by armed people and had to leave the area. Only several weeks later they were able to go back to their prepared fields and proceeded with their farming business. The question I want to concentrate on is related to the topic of the ethnological sub-project – “Community building in newly founded settlements in the Lake Chad area” – and can be specified as “What do conflicts tell us about the community and people involved?”
This paper is concerned with the transition from hunting and gathering to food production in West Africa, based on evidence from the Sahel Zone of Burkina Faso compiled by field research during the last years. Our study intends to enhance the knowledge about the West African versions of this transition, traditionally seen as one of the most fundamental changes in human prehistory. Embedded in an interregional program the Sahel Zone of Burkina Faso has proved to be one of its most unexpected examples.
The paper gives a brief history of the Fulçe people who are found all over West and Central Africa. Since no study of a people is complete without mentioning their language, the paper also gives a very brief account of Fulfulde, the language of the Fulçe people. However, the central focus of the paper is the concept of pulaaku, that unique attribute of the Fulçe that serves as an unwritten code of conduct for all ‘true’ Fulçe. Pulaaku is Fulçe’s guiding principle in their dealings with their fellow Fulçe as well as with all other people. Rather than talk about pulaaku in isolation, however, the paper tries to mirror it through Fulfulde proverbs. Coded or loaded messages called wise-sayings or proverbs are widely used in all languages. Fulfulde is particularly rich in this, which is why the paper explores this reservoir of knowledge in trying to portray the rich culture of the Fulçe people. The corpus of proverbs from which the selected proverbs come, was compiled in and around Gombe with the help of Mallam Bappayo Bappa Yerima Djibril. Since the Fulçe are easily the most dispersed people in Africa, no single study can do real justice to all of them. This is why this study narrows its scope to cover just the Fulçe of Gombe area of the northeastern of Nigeria.
Over approximately the last 200 years, north-west Ghana and large areas of neighbouring southern Burkina Faso were the stage for a highly successful expansion of Dagara-speaking peoples. Probably setting out from an area around Wa, small groups of Dagara migrated towards the north, some of them taking a westward route, crossing the Black Volta river into today’s Burkina Faso. They rarely advanced into nomansland but rather displaced peoples such as Sisala-, Dyan-, Phuie- and Bwamu-speaking groups, who then moved further west and north. Today, the Dagara occupy about 3500 km2 in southern Burkina Faso, where they represent the sixth largest language group. In this paper I wish to explore the history of the north-west frontier of Dagara expansion and the interaction between the “land-owning” Phuo and the incoming Dagara.