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This article deals with the development of -igen verbs in German since the Old High German period, demonstrating that this can be regarded as a process in which the adjective formation morpheme -ig gradually develops into a component of a word formation pattern that derives transitive verbs from nouns. An -igen-verb can be descended not only from an -ig-adjective (würdig – würdigen) but also from a noun without an intermediary -ig-adjective (Pein – *peinig – peinigen). In this article, it is claimed that a word formation pattern with -ig develops over time. The emergence of this word formation pattern can be described as a "reanalysis" of the verb structure accompanied by a "resegmentation" of the original word structure and a semantic "remotivation" of the established unit. It is also pointed out that this development is particularly evident in the Middle High German period.
Deklinacija brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri u kajkavskim pravnim tekstovima od 16. do 18. Stoljeća
(2007)
Autori se u članku bave deklinacijom brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri u kajkavskim tekstovima pravne regulative od 16. do 18. stoljeća. Kao korpus za jezičnu analizu uzimaju 23 teksta iz 16. st., 40 tekstova iz 17. st. i 19 tekstova iz 18. st. U jezičnoj se analizi posebna pažnja posvećuje usporedbi između oblika dvojine i množine u deklinaciji brojeva dva i oba, kao i razvoju množinskih oblika u deklinaciji brojeva tri i četiri. Autori navode sve zabilježene oblike brojeva dva, oba, tri i četiri, uspoređuju njihovu pojavnost u različitom vremenskom presjeku i na temelju rezultata jezične analize nude deklinacijski tip navedenih brojeva. Deklinacija brojeva u kosim padežima promatra se s obzirom na to jesu li navedeni brojevi dijelom prijedložnih ili neprijedložnih izraza, a posebno je pitanje učestalosti indeklinabilnih oblika.
One of the striking features in modern Newari noun phrases is the wide usage of a set of affixes found in combination with the various elements that may expand a noun into an endocentric construction. At first sight such affixation would appear as a linking device by which the subordinate constituents of a noun phrase are tied to their head noun. Closer investigation, however, reveals a more complex picture which I have attempted to outline in the following paragraphs. The results of this inspection lead to the conclusion that the pattern of affixation displayed in Newari mirrors the close interaction of two converse functional principles: both the syntagmatic function of nominal determination on the one hand and a paradigmatic function – the formation of certain types of lexicalized expressions in Newari – formally tie in with each other by the application of one common technique.
Sowohl im nominalen als auch im verbalen Bereich bedient sich die Morphologie des Malaiischen, das in seiner heutigen Variante als Bahasa Indonesia Gegenstand dieser Untersuchung ist, vornehmlich derivationeller Prozesse: aus zumeist zweisilbigen Wortstämmen werden mit einer Reihe systematisch aufeinander bezogener Prä- und Suffixe komplexere Formen, Substantive als auch Verben abgeleitet. Doch kommen auch die Stämme selbst meist als selbständige Wörter vor und sind dann in bezug auf ihre kategoriale Affiliation nur durch ihre syntaktische Verwendung bestimmbar. Im nominalen Bereich dienen die Derivationsformen vor allem der Begriffsbildung. Dagegen werden im verbalen Bereich derivationelle Mittel vor allem verwendet, um die Beziehungen zwischen dem Prädikat und seinen nominalen Komplementen zu kennzeichnen. Hier beziehen sich die Präfixe jeweils auf die Relation zwischen Subjekt und Prädikat, während die Suffixe verschiedene Arten von Objekt-Relationen markieren. Der vorliegende Aufsatz beschäftigt sich zunächst nur mit dem Ausschnitt des verbalen Derivationssystems, der die Präfixe, nämlich ber-, meN- und ter- betrifft; der Untersuchung dieser drei Präfixe sind einige wenige Bemerkungen über einfache, präfixlose Verben, d.h. Lexeme, die in Gestalt des unveränderten Wortstamms als Verben fungieren, vorausgeschickt. Der Komplex der Suffixe, der in einer anschließenden Untersuchung gesondert behandelt werden soll, ist hier vorläufig ausgeklammert.
Ziel der Untersuchung ist der Erwerb von aspektuellen Markierungen im Bulgarischen. Da Bulgarisch über ein nominales Artikelsystem und über eine verbale Aspektkategorie verfügt, liefert es eine ausgezeichnete Gelegenheit, die Verwendung von nominalen und verbalen Aspektmarkierungen im frühen Spracherwerb aufzuzeigen. Der Artikel präsentiert die Daten aus einer Langzeitstudie und einer experimentellen Testreihe. Die Ergebnisse belegen, dass die bulgarischen Kinder am Anfang vom Prinzip der Aspektkomposition Gebrauch machen. Aspektuell unmarkierte Verben werden durch definite Objekte ergänzt, um begrenzte Handlungen auszudrücken. Der schnelle Erwerb der Aspektmorphologie verschiebt die Gewichtung im Satz von den nominalen zu den verbalen Aspektmarkern. Im Alter von zweieinhalb Jahren beherrschen die bulgarischen Kinder die sprachspezifische syntaktische Anforderung, dass perfektiv markierte Prädikate quantitativ definite Argumente verlangen.
Since the mid-1970's, the question of whether or not a verb agreement system1 (VAS) should be reconstructed for Proto-Tibeto-Bunnan (PTB) has been a controversial topic, but because of the large amount of work published arguing in favor of reconstructing a VAS for PTB, especially by James J. Bauman (1974, 1975a, 1975b, 1979) and Scott DeLancey (1980, 1983, 1988, 1989, to appear), many people have begun to accept the existence of a VAS in PTB as received knowledge. In a recent paper on verb agreement systems in Tibeto-Burman, Scott DeLancey states that 'There can no longer be any serious doubt that a system of verb agreement must be attributed to Proto-Tibeto-Bunnan (PTB)' (DeLancey 1988: 1). Though the number of papers supporting this position is quite large, I would like to raise several serious doubts about the theoretical and methodological basis for reconstructing a VAS for PTB' and at the same time argue for the use of functionally and typologically based theories of grammar, as exemplified by the head-marking/dependent-marking distinction developed in Nichols 1986, in diachronic syntax and syntactic reconstruction.
This paper is part of an ongoing investigation into the nature of grammatical relations in the Sino-Tibetan language family. The ultimate goal of this investigation is to develop a hypothesis on the typological nature of word order and grammatical relations in the mother language which gave rise to all of the many languages within the Sino Tibetan language family. As the verb agreement (pronominalization) systems of Tibeto-Burman have been said to be a type of ergative marking, and to have been a part of Proto-Tibeto-Burman grammatical relations, the questions of the dating and nature of the agreement systems in Tibeto-Burman are relevant to the discussion of the nature of grammatical relations in Proto-Sino-Tibetan.
In terms of the direction of development, I referred to Johanna Nichols' work on head-marking vs. dependant marking. Nichols did not make reference to any languages in Tibeto-Burman, but all of the Tibeto-Burman languages that do not have verb agreement systems are solidly dependent-marking (i.e., they have marking on the nouns for case or pragmatic function); those languages with verb agreement systems, a type of head marking, also have many dependent-marking features (of the same types as the non-pronominalized languages). The question, then, is which is older, the dependent-marking type or the headmarking (actually mixed) type?