No explanation for the historical present: temporal sequencing and discourse

  • Discourses in the historical (or narrative) use of the simple present in English prohibit backshifting, though they allow forward sequencing. Unlike both reference time theories and discourse coherence theories of these temporal inferences, we propose that backshifting has a different source from narrative progression. In particular, we argue that backshifting arises through anaphora to a salient event in the preceding discourse.

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Metadaten
Author:Pranav Anand, Maziar Toosarvandani
URN:urn:nbn:de:hebis:30:3-558016
DOI:https://doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.60.2018.455
ISSN:1435-9588
ISSN:0947-7055
Parent Title (English):Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 22, Vol. 1 / eds. Uli Sauerland and Stephanie Solt. Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft: ZAS papers in linguistics ; Nr. 60
Publisher:Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS)
Place of publication:Berlin
Document Type:Part of a Book
Language:English
Year of Completion:2020
Year of first Publication:2018
Publishing Institution:Universitätsbibliothek Johann Christian Senckenberg
Release Date:2020/09/11
Tag:coherence relations; discourse coherence; perspective; tense
Page Number:18
First Page:73
Last Page:90
HeBIS-PPN:47027381X
Dewey Decimal Classification:4 Sprache / 40 Sprache / 400 Sprache
4 Sprache / 41 Linguistik / 410 Linguistik
Sammlungen:Linguistik
Linguistik-Klassifikation:Linguistik-Klassifikation: Semantik / Semantics
Zeitschriften / Jahresberichte:ZAS papers in linguistics : ZASPiL / ZASPiL 60 = Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 22, Vol. 1
:urn:nbn:de:hebis:30:3-559256
Licence (German):License LogoCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0