Filtern
Erscheinungsjahr
- 2018 (16) (entfernen)
Dokumenttyp
- Wissenschaftlicher Artikel (9)
- Dissertation (3)
- Rezension (3)
- Arbeitspapier (1)
Sprache
- Englisch (16) (entfernen)
Volltext vorhanden
- ja (16)
Gehört zur Bibliographie
- nein (16)
Schlagworte
- Afghanistan (1)
- Bartolomé de Las Casas (1)
- Bosnia and Herzegovina (1)
- Constitutional Reform (1)
- Credit rating agencies (1)
- Cryptocurrencies (1)
- Cultural diversity of law (1)
- Dodd-Frank Act (1)
- Financial Regulation (1)
- Financial regulation (1)
Institut
- Rechtswissenschaft (16) (entfernen)
There is a consensus among historians that the School of Salamanca brought something new to the development of early modern European legal thinking and methodology. Francisco de Vitoria is considered, not only by modern researchers but also by his contemporaries (from Melchor Cano onward), the origin of the school and its founding figure. He is famously claimed to have introduced Thomas Aquinas’s Summa theologiae as the fundamental text for theological lectures at the University of Salamanca and so prepared the ground for the upsurge of academic activity and intellectual brilliance of late or modern scholasticism at Spanish, Portuguese, and American universities. Regardless of the differences in the assessments of the late scholastics’ political stance (whether viewed as trailblazers on the way to human rights and a modern law of nations or as conservative imperialists, whose sole intent was the perpetuation and legitimation of the Spanish rule in the Americas), Vitoria and his followers are seen as intellectual innovators, opening the restrictive traditions of medieval scholarship to the modern exigencies of a globalized world. This almost universal image has recently been called into question, with Jacob Schmutz showing that Vitoria was not quite the first to introduce Aquinas’s Summa into the teaching of Salamanca’s theological faculty, and Thomas Duve recently asking outright: Did everything actually start with Francisco de Vitoria? ...
The conquista of the Americas confronted Spanish jurists educated in the legal concepts of the European medieval tradition with a different reality, pushing them to develop modern legal concepts on the basis of the European ius commune tradition. Traditionally, the School of Salamanca, theologians and jurists centred around the Dominican Francisco de Vitoria are credited with this intellectual renovation of moral and legal thought. However, the role earlier authors played in the process is still insufficiently researched. The Castilian crown jurist Juan López de Palacios Rubios is one of the most interesting authors of the early phase in the conquest of the Americas. His treatise about the Spanish dominion in the Americas is a central text that shows how at the beginning of the 16th century the knowledge and the experiences of the European past were applied to the American present and, in the process, were shaped into modern ideas.
The illiberal turn in Europe has many facets. Of particular concern are Member States in which ruling majorities uproot the independence of the judiciary. For reasons well described in the Verfassungsblog, the current focus is on Poland. Since the Polish development is emblematic for a broader trend, more is at stake than the rule of law in that Member State alone (as if that were not enough). If the Polish emblematic development is not resisted, illiberal democracies might start co-defining the European constitutional order, in particular, its rule of law-value in Article 2 TEU. Accordingly, the conventional liberal self-understanding of Europe could easily erode, with tremendous implications.
The end of an empire is almost always marked with legal acts, which often serve as the founding documents of a new order. There the beginning and the end converge. For example, the constitutional documents of Hispanic America after 1810 simultaneously heralded the dawn of new states and the twilight of the Spanish Empire. Since constitutions and the state institutions they help to build are deeply imbued with symbolic power, they are an important element in constructing, perhaps even in "inventing", nations. They provide raw materials for our regimes of memory and divide history into a "before" and an "after", through which they also exert a stabilising effect. ...
Introduction: Convivencia(s)
(2018)
How can members of different cultures, religions, and confessions live together peacefully? What rules of coexistence, interaction, and conflict regulation have these communities developed to enable this cohabitation? What role does law play in this? – This is not the first time such questions have been discussed. These questions gain a specific poignancy when it’s not just about taste or cultural preferences but rather concerns an existential dimension like the religious sphere: for instance, when the immanent is observed from the perspective of transcendence. Even the smallest event can lead to major conflicts. ...
The article is designed to introduce and analyze authoritarian constitutionalism as an important phenomenon in its own right, not merely a deficient or deviant version of liberal constitutionalism. Therefore it is not adequate to dismiss it as sham or window-dressing. Instead, its crucial features – participation as complicity, power as property and the cult of immediacy – are related to the basic assumption that authoritarian constitutions are texts with a purpose that warrant careful analysis of the domestic and transnational audience.
"In the beginning all the World was America" reads the iconic opening of § 49 in John Locke’s Second Treatise of Government. Beyond mentioning "America", Locke’s theory and the story told by Juan Pablo Scarfi in The Hidden History of International Law in the Americas share an unsettling resemblance. The expansion of international law and the deepening of legal techniques for the purposes of US hegemony in the American hemisphere, the invasion of politics by the language of science, the double standard, one of real military and monetary interventions, and another of (usually) suave diplomatic correspondence about the advantages of pan-Americanism, all are part and parcel of The Hidden History. Moreover, around the mid-20th century the pattern extended around the entire globe. Therefore, as Scarfi elegantly suggests, the interventions in Latin America by the newly established US empire in the early 20th century had the nature of laboratory experiments. In the end, all the world was America again, but with a good number more of international organizations, institutions devoted to the scientific study of international law, and international legal norms and principles. This image, of course, simplifies tremendously the complex history of the past century. However, it summarizes the message of Scarfi’s book. ...
Bitcoin stands like no other cryptocurrency for the profound transformation of financial markets in the digital economy. While the last few months saw the free trade in goods struggle against trends towards protectionism, cryptocurrencies seemed to tear down one border after the other – physical, geographic, and legal ones alike. A libertarian’s wet dream. Blockchain presents itself as a fortress against state intervention, for whatever purpose. Finally, a technological, market-based solution would put an end to the problem of monetary policy, payment transactions, and make whole chunks of government regulation superfluous. ...
On October 7th, general elections were held in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its Constitution was meant to be an interim solution, setting up a complex structure of division of power between the three major ethnic groups leading to political paralysis. Constitutional reform is thus a pressing issue but the recent elections appear to reinforce the deadlock situation instead of paving the way for much needed change.
Can the democratic constitutions of Hungary and Poland survive an autocratic majority? Hardly. Hungary and Poland seem to be lost for liberal and democratic constitutionalism. At least for the time being, the next question is how democratic constitutionalism can prevent an autocratic majority. The task is to make it difficult for an autocratic parliamentary majority to capture the institutions of critique and control of government and to undermine separation of powers.