Linguistik-Klassifikation
Filtern
Erscheinungsjahr
- 2004 (83) (entfernen)
Dokumenttyp
- Teil eines Buches (Kapitel) (48)
- Konferenzveröffentlichung (24)
- Arbeitspapier (5)
- Preprint (4)
- Wissenschaftlicher Artikel (1)
- Bericht (1)
Volltext vorhanden
- ja (83)
Gehört zur Bibliographie
- nein (83)
Schlagworte
- Syntax (24)
- Generative Transformationsgrammatik (23)
- Wortstellung (21)
- Deutsch (11)
- Optimalitätstheorie (9)
- Relativsatz (9)
- Thema-Rhema-Gliederung (8)
- Topikalisierung (8)
- Formale Semantik (7)
- Informationsstruktur (7)
- Englisch (6)
- Extraposition (6)
- Oberflächenstruktur <Linguistik> (6)
- Phonologie (6)
- Tiefenstruktur (6)
- Grammatische Kategorie (5)
- Intonation <Linguistik> (5)
- Malagassi-Sprache (5)
- Pragmatik (5)
- Pronomen (5)
- Spracherwerb (5)
- Genus verbi (4)
- Japanisch (4)
- Klitisierung (4)
- Linguistik (4)
- Morphonologie (4)
- Russisch (4)
- Thematische Relation (4)
- Adverbiale (3)
- Austronesische Sprachen (3)
- Chewa-Sprache (3)
- Französisch (3)
- Funktionale Kategorie (3)
- Interrogativsatz (3)
- Kasus (3)
- Kontrastive Grammatik (3)
- Kontrastive Syntax (3)
- Negation (3)
- Ungarisch (3)
- Adverb (2)
- Aspekt <Linguistik> (2)
- Aufsatzsammlung (2)
- Bulgarisch (2)
- Diskontinuität (2)
- Ellipse <Linguistik> (2)
- Ergativ (2)
- Experiment (2)
- Grammatiktheorie (2)
- Herausstellung (2)
- Kongress (2)
- Kontrastive Phonologie (2)
- Koordination <Linguistik> (2)
- Morphosyntax (2)
- Norwegisch (2)
- Pro-Form (2)
- Prosodie (2)
- Satz (2)
- Satzanalyse (2)
- Satzglied (2)
- Semantik (2)
- Skopus (2)
- Sprachstatistik (2)
- Tagalog (2)
- Transitivität (2)
- Verb (2)
- Affix (1)
- Allomorph (1)
- Anapher <Syntax> (1)
- Argument linking (1)
- Asymmetrie (1)
- Aufforderungssatz (1)
- Ausrufesatz (1)
- Bestimmter Artikel (1)
- Bindungstheorie <Linguistik> (1)
- Chomsky (1)
- Dialektologie (1)
- Diskursanalyse (1)
- Diskursrepräsentationstheorie (1)
- Ditransitives Verb (1)
- Doppelter Akkusativ (1)
- Epenthese (1)
- Finite Verbform (1)
- Fokus <Linguistik> (1)
- Freier Relativsatz (1)
- Galloitalienisch (1)
- Gebundenes Morphem (1)
- Generalisierte Phrasenstrukturgrammatik (1)
- Generative Grammatik (1)
- Genitiv (1)
- Grammatikalität (1)
- Hebräisch (1)
- Immediate Dominance/Linear Precedence (1)
- Impersonale (1)
- Indefinitpronomen (1)
- Indirekter Interrogativsatz (1)
- Infix (1)
- Inkorporation <Linguistik> (1)
- Italienisch (1)
- Kindersprache (1)
- Komparation (1)
- Konfiguration <Linguistik> (1)
- Kongressbericht (1)
- Konsekutivsatz (1)
- Kontrastive Linguistik (1)
- Koreanisch (1)
- Korrelativsatz (1)
- Lexikologie (1)
- Logische Form <Linguistik> (1)
- Mittelenglisch (1)
- Modalität (1)
- Modifikation <Linguistik> (1)
- Modifikator (1)
- Morphologie (1)
- Mündlichkeit (1)
- Neugriechisch (1)
- Nicht-restriktiver Relativsatz (1)
- Niue-Sprache (1)
- Noam (1)
- Nomen agentis (1)
- Nominalphrase (1)
- Nungisch (1)
- Paiwan (1)
- Palaung (1)
- Parametrisierung (1)
- Parasitic gap (1)
- Persisch (1)
- Phonetik (1)
- Phrasenstrukturgrammatik (1)
- Phraseologie (1)
- Polnisch (1)
- Proportionalsatz (1)
- Prädikat (1)
- Prädikation (1)
- Präposition (1)
- Qiang-Sprache (1)
- Quantor (1)
- Raising (1)
- Rattenfängerkonstruktion (1)
- Reduplikation (1)
- Resultativ (1)
- Richtungsangabe (1)
- Robust Minimal Recursion Semantics (1)
- Satzadverb (1)
- Satzsemantik (1)
- Satztyp (1)
- Schriftlichkeit (1)
- Scrambling (1)
- Sinotibetische Sprachen (1)
- Spezifität (1)
- Sprachgeschichte (1)
- Sprachtheorie (1)
- Spurtheorie (1)
- Stochastik (1)
- Strukturelle Grammatik (1)
- Taiwan-Austronesisch (1)
- Tibetobirmanische Sprachen (1)
- Tongaisch (1)
- Tukangbesi (1)
- Umgangssprache (1)
- Unterspezifikation (1)
- Valenz <Linguistik> (1)
- Venetisch (1)
- Wortbildung (1)
- Xhosa (1)
- acceptability (1)
- also (1)
- gradience grammar (1)
- grammaticality (1)
- long wh-movement (1)
- phonology (1)
- question formation (1)
- stress patterns (1)
- syntax (1)
- tones (1)
- word order variation (1)
Institut
- Extern (6)
This article analyses the German discourse particle wohl 'I suppose', 'presumably' as a syntactic and semantic modifier of the sentence types declarative and interrogative. It is shown that wohl does not contribute to the propositional, i.e. descriptive content of an utterance. Nor does it trigger an implicature. The proposed analysis captures the semantic behaviour of wohl by assuming that it moves to SpecForceP at LF, from where it can modify the sentence type operators in Force0 in compositional fashion. Semantically, a modification with wohl results in a weaker commitment to the proposition expressed in declaratives and in a request for a weaker commitment concerning the questioned proposition in interrogatives. Cross-linguistic evidence for a left-peripheral position of wohl (at LF) comes from languages in which the counterpart of wohl occurs in the clausal periphery overtly. Overall, the analysis sheds more light on the semantic properties of the left periphery, in particular of the functional projection ForceP.
This paper investigates how syntax and focus interact in deriving the phonological phrasing of utterances in Xhosa, a Bantu language spoken in South Africa. Although the influence of syntax on phrasing is uncontroversial, a purely syntactic analysis cannot account for all the data reported for Xhosa by Jokweni (1995). Focus influences the phrasing in that it inserts a phonological phrase-boundary after the focused constituent. This generalization can account for the variation found in the phrasing of adverbials.
The findings are dealt with in an OT-based framework following Truckenbrodt's work on Chichewa (1995, 1999) which is extended to the phrasing of adjuncts.
The principal aim of this paper is to present a comprehensive theory of coordination of unlikes, i.e., a theory that is capable of dealing with every phenomenon resulting from coordination of unlikes. The proposed theory accounts not just for standard cases of coordination of unlike arguments and coordination of unlike functors but also for cases involving single-conjunct agreement and what will be called each-conjunct agreement. In the course of the argumentation, it is also shown that, even in a language like English, predicate-argument agreement needs to be described in terms of a relational constraint that is not simply an identity requirement.
This paper reports the results of a corpus investigation on case conflicts in German argument free relative constructions. We investigate how corpus frequencies reflect the relative markedness of free relative and correlative constructions, the relative markedness of different case conflict configurations, and the relative markedness of different conflict resolution strategies. Section 1 introduces the conception of markedness as used in Optimality Theory. Section 2 introduces the facts about German free relative clauses, and section 3 presents the results of the corpus study. By and large, markedness and frequency go hand in hand. However, configurations at the highest end of the markedness scale rarely show up in corpus data, and for the configuration at the lowest end we found an unexpected outcome: the more marked structure is preferred.
Weak function word shift
(2004)
The fact that object shift only affects weak pronouns in mainland Scandinavian is seen as an instance of a more general observation that can be made in all Germanic languages: weak function words tend to avoid the edges of larger prosodic domains. This generalisation has been formulated within Optimality Theory in terms of alignment constraints on prosodic structure by Selkirk (1996) in explaining thedistribution of prosodically strong and weak forms of English functionwords, especially modal verbs, prepositions and pronouns. But a purely phonological account fails to integrate the syntactic licensing conditions for object shift in an appropriate way. The standard semantico-syntactic accounts of object shift, onthe other hand, fail to explain why it is only weak pronouns that undergo object shift. This paper develops an Optimality theoretic model of the syntax-phonology interface which is based on the interaction of syntactic and prosodic factors. The account can successfully be applied to further related phenomena in English and German.
German dialects vary in which of the possible orders of the verbs in a 3-verb cluster they allow. In a still ongoing empirical investigation that I am undertaking together with Tanja Schmid, University of Stuttgart (Schmid and Vogel (2004)) we already found that each of the six logically possible permutations of the 3-verb cluster in (1) can be found in German dialects.
The aim of this paper is the exploration of an optimality theoretic architecture for syntax that is guided by the concept of "correspondence": syntax is understood as the mechanism of "translating" underlying representations into a surface form. In minimalism, this surface form is called "Phonological Form" (PF). Both semantic and abstract syntactic information are reflected by the surface form. The empirical domain where this architecture is tested are minimal link effects, especially in the case of "wh"-movement. The OT constraints require the surface form to reflect the underlying semantic and syntactic representations as maximally as possible. The means by which underlying relations and properties are encoded are precedence, adjacency, surface morphology and prosodic structure. Information that is not encoded in one of these ways remains unexpressed, and gets lost unless it is recoverable via the context. Different kinds of information are often expressed by the same means. The resulting conflicts are resolved by the relative ranking of the relevant correspondence constraints.
The argument that I tried to elaborate on in this paper is that the conceptual problem behind the traditional competence/performance distinction does not go away, even if we abandon its original Chomskyan formulation. It returns as the question about the relation between the model of the grammar and the results of empirical investigations – the question of empirical verification The theoretical concept of markedness is argued to be an ideal correlate of gradience. Optimality Theory, being based on markedness, is a promising framework for the task of bridging the gap between model and empirical world. However, this task not only requires a model of grammar, but also a theory of the methods that are chosen in empirical investigations and how their results are interpreted, and a theory of how to derive predictions for these particular empirical investigations from the model. Stochastic Optimality Theory is one possible formulation of a proposal that derives empirical predictions from an OT model. However, I hope to have shown that it is not enough to take frequency distributions and relative acceptabilities at face value, and simply construe some Stochastic OT model that fits the facts. These facts first of all need to be interpreted, and those factors that the grammar has to account for must be sorted out from those about which grammar should have nothing to say. This task, to my mind, is more complicated than the picture that a simplistic application of (not only) Stochastic OT might draw.
To model the pied piping in interrogative and exclamative clauses Ginzburg & Sag (2000) proposes a nonlocal head-driven treatment, thus emphasizing the resemblances with extraction. This treatment has a number of drawbacks: it relies on poorly motivated lexical rules and nonbranching phrase structure rules, it makes false predictions about pied piping in PPs, and it presupposes an implausible structure for NPs with predeterminers. To solve these problems I propose an alternative in which pied piping is treated as a local functor-driven dependency. Technically, the WH feature is integrated in the CATEGORY objects, and the propagation of its values is modeled by constraints which are independently needed for the treatment of other phenomena.