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The paper analyses the interrelationship between Armstrong’s egalitarian theory and his treatment of the ‘attachment theory’ of resources, which is the dominant rival theory of resources that his theory is pitched against. On Armstrong’s theory, egalitarianism operates as a default position, from which special claims would need to be justified, but he also claims to be able to incorporate ‘attachment’ into his theory. The general question explored in the paper is the extent to which ‘attachment’ claims can be ‘married’ to an egalitarian theory. The more specific argument is that a properly constrained attachment theory is more plausible than Armstrong’s egalitarian theory. Armstrong’s paper also criticizes attachment and improvement accounts as justifying permanent sovereignty over resources. This paper argues that neither of those arguments aim to justify the international doctrine of permanent sovereignty.
This paper argues that land and resource rights are often essential in overcoming colonial inequality and devaluation of indigenous populations and cultures. It thereby criticizes global welfare egalitarians that promote the abolition of national sovereignty over resources in the name of increased equality. The paper discusses two ways in which land and resource rights contribute to decolonization and the eradication of the associated inequality. First, it proposes that land and resource rights have acquired a status-conferring function for (formerly) colonized peoples so that possession of full personhood and relational equality is partially expressed through the possession of land and resource rights. Second, it suggests that successful internal decolonization depends on access to and control over land and resources, especially for indigenous peoples.
In Justice and Natural Resources: An Egalitarian Theory (2017), Chris Armstrong proposes a version of global egalitarianism that – contra the default renderings of this approach – takes individual attachment to specific resources into account. By doing this, his theory has the potential for greening global egalitarianism both in terms of procedure and scope. In terms of procedure, its broad account of attachment and its focus on individuals rather than groups connects with participatory governance and management and, ultimately, participatory democracy – an essential ingredient in the toolkit of green politics and policy-making. In terms of scope, because it does not commit itself to any particular moral framework, Armstrong’s theory leaves the door open for non-human animals to become subjects of justice, thus extending the realm of the latter beyond its traditionally anthropocentric borders. I conclude that these greenings are promising, but not trouble-free.
A reply to my critics
(2021)
It is a real pleasure to reply to so many thoughtful and probing responses to my book. In what follows, I will focus on six key themes that emerge across the various pieces. Some of them call into question core commitments of my theory, and in those cases I will try to show what might be said in its defence. Quite a number of the critics, however, present what we might call expansionist arguments: though they endorse some of the arguments I make, that is – or pick up some of its key concepts – they seek to push them in new and interesting directions. I will suggest that many of those arguments look likely to be successful, though I will also express caution about one or two of them. I doubt, however, that I will be the final judge of their success. Early on in the book I express the hope that it might provide a set of conceptual tools capable of advancing discussions about resource justice more broadly, even for scholars who reject my own idiosyncratic approach. Having made that gambit, I cannot now claim to have a monopoly on the use of the tools in question. Witnessing the use that others have already made of them has been a refreshing and rewarding experience.
This paper uses a novel account of non-ideal political action that can justify radical responses to severe climate injustice, including and especially deliberate attempts to engineer the climate system in order reflect sunlight into space and cooling the planet. In particular, it discusses the question of what those suffering from climate injustice may do in order to secure their fundamental rights and interests in the face of severe climate change impacts. Using the example of risky geoengineering strategies such as sulfate aerosol injections, I argue that peoples that are innocently subject to severely negative climate change impacts may have a special permission to engage in large-scale yet risky climate interventions to prevent them. Furthermore, this can be true even if those interventions wrongly harm innocent people.
Chris Armstrong argues that attempts at justifying special claims over natural resources generally take one of two forms: arguments from improvement and arguments from attachment. We argue that Armstrong fails to establish that the distinction between natural resources and improved resources has no normative significance. He succeeds only in showing that ‘improvers’ (whoever they may be) are not necessarily entitled to the full exchange value of the improvement. It can still be argued that the value of natural and improved resources should be distributed on different grounds, but that the value of improvements should be conceived differently.
This paper argues first that Armstrong is led to see natural resources primarily as objects of consumption. But many natural resources are better seen as objects of enjoyment, where one person’s access to a resource need not prevent others from enjoying equal access, or as objects of production, where granting control of a resource to one person may produce collateral benefits to others. Second, Armstrong’s approach to resource distribution, which requires that everyone must have equal access to welfare, conceals an ambiguity as to whether this means equal opportunity for welfare, or simply equal welfare – the underlying issue being how far individuals (or countries) should be held responsible for the use they make of the resources they are allocated. Third, when Armstrong attacks arguments that appeal to ‘improvement’ as a basis for claims to natural resources, he treats them as making comparative desert claims: if country A makes a claim to the improved resources on its territory, it must show that their comparative value accurately reflects the productive deserts of its members compared to those of countries B. But in fact, A needs only to make the much weaker claim that its members have done more than others to enhance the value of its resources. Overall, Armstrong’s welfarist approach fails to appreciate the dynamic advantages of allocating resources to those best able to use them productively.
Introduction
(2021)
Today in the United States, the notion that ‘the rise of the far right’ poses the greatest threat to democratic values, and by extension, to the nation itself, has slowly entered into common sense. The antecedent of this development is the object of our study. Explored through the prism of what we refer to as the domestication of the War on Terror, this publication adopts and updates the theoretical approach first forwarded in Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, the Law and Order (Hall et al. 1978). Drawing on this seminal work, a sequence of three disparate media events are explored as they unfold in the United States in mid-2015: the rise of the Trump campaign; the release of an op-ed in The New York Times warning of a rise in right-wing extremsim; and a mass shooting at a historic African American church in Charleston, South Carolina. By the end of 2015, as these disparate events converge into what we call the public face of the rise of the far right phenomenon, we subsequently turn our attention to its origins in policing and the law in the wake of the global War on Terror and the Great Recession. It is only from there, that we turn our attention to the poltical class struggle as expressed in the rise of 'populism' on the one hand, and the domestication of the War on Terror on the other, and in doing so, attempt to situate the role of the rise of the far right phenomenon within it.
Volk im Werden
(1932)
Deutsche Kulturpolitik?
(1928)
Erlebter Neuidealismus
(1942)
Das Schicksal
(1939)
By the latter half of the twentieth century, a documented, substantial quantitative increase had occurred in the total number of Christian political organizations operating in Washington, D.C. with the sole purpose of influencing Congress and the administration through direct lobbying. This study seeks to understand what were the contributing historical factors that influenced the rise of Christian Lobby Organizations (CLOs), resulting in their normalization in American society?
The relationship between exhaustion and work engagement has received considerable attention during the past decades. Although the theoretical proposition exists that work engagement may increase exhaustion over time, previous research has been mixed. Drawing on the transactional stress model and applying latent growth modeling, we aim to provide a more comprehensive picture of the work engagement–exhaustion relationship over time. In two longitudinal studies, with four measurement points each, we found consistent evidence that a higher initial work engagement related to increased exhaustion over time. Consistent with our hypotheses, a higher initial work engagement also related to less initial exhaustion, and increases in work engagement related to decreases in exhaustion over time. However, contrary to our expectations, a higher initial exhaustion related to elevated work engagement over time. In conclusion, our findings suggest that engaged employees are less exhausted but face a higher risk of exhaustion over time. At the same time, exhausted employees are less engaged, but they have the potential to become more so over time. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings will be discussed in this paper.
Die Art und Weise, wie das Verhältnis von Staat und Unternehmen in Indien seit den 1980er Jahren restrukturiert wurde, liefert wichtige Lektionen für das Verständnis des modernen Kapitalismus in großen Schwellenländern, auch im Kontrast zum traditionellen Modell des ostasiatischen Entwicklungsstaats. Ausgehend vom historischen Entstehungskontext entwickeln wir eine Charakterisierung des Staatskapitalismus in den indischen Ballungszentren als „staatlich durchdrungene Marktökonomie“, bevor wir die Schattenseiten dieses Modells, insbesondere gravierende Ungleichheit, skizzieren, die – trotz aller wirtschaftlichen Dynamik des Kapitalismus in großen Schwellenländern wie Indien – notwendig mit diesem Wirtschaftsmodell verbunden sind.
The influence and power of some OECD states is under threat but China appears to remain astonishingly flexible, economically potent, and politically strong. How accurate is this view? To answer this question, major aspects of Chinese economic regulation that were adopted in the country’s progress towards capitalist modernization are examined. The analysis requires a historical reconstruction of how China changed the way it intervenes economically and politically, especially with regard to the institutions of the central state. Such a reconstruction reveals that, since the 1990s, the central state has indeed increased its steering capacities. These capacities have a distinctive basis that includes acceptance of a state-centered approach, idiosyncratic innovation policies taking place in the "shadow" of the state’s hierarchy, and the ongoing influence of the communist party. An all-embracing controlling power is, however, not detectable. What does exist in China’s competition-driven system of “statecapitalist” regulation, is a set of limits on the state’s capacity to govern.
In den letzten Jahren konnte eine starke Zunahme der Bedeutung von multinationalen Unternehmen von außerhalb der traditionellen Triade der Weltökonomie (Japan, Nordamerika und Westeuropa sowie Australien) beobachtet werden. Auffällig ist dabei, dass eine besonders enge Beziehung mit dem Heimatstaat ein typisches Merkmal vieler multinationaler Unternehmen aus Schwellenländern ist. Zum einen geht es dabei um binnenstaatliche Maßnahmen, die das Wachstum dieser Unternehmen in ihren Heimatländern befördert haben, z.B. durch finanzielle Unterstützung oder regulatorische Maßnahmen, die gezielt auf die Bedürfnisse dieser Unternehmen ausgerichtet waren. Zum anderen geht es um die Unterstützung durch den Staat bei der Multinationalisierung dieser Unternehmen, beispielsweise in Form von diplomatischer Unterstützung für den Zugang zu natürlichen Ressourcen in anderen Ländern oder durch die Aushandlung bilateraler oder multilateraler Abkommen. Abschließend wird kurz zusammengefasst, welches Konfliktpotential zwischen den großen Schwellenländern und den etablierten Wirtschaftsmächten sich aus diesem besonders engen Verhältnis von Staat und großen Unternehmen in Schwellenländern in den nächsten Jahrzehnten ergeben kann.
Staatskapitalismus 3.0
(2013)
Die Herausbildung staatlich durchdrungener Marktökonomien in großen Schwellenländern wie Brasilien, China oder Indien ist ein mehr als überfälliger Anlass, den Westzentrismus der aktuellen Krisendiskussionsowie der Literatur zu den „Varieties of Capitalism“ zu verlassen und sich mit den Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschieden des Kapitalismus in diesen Ländern zu beschäftigen. Wir sprechen hierbei vom Staatskapitalismus 3.0, also einer dritten Welle des Staatskapitalismus mit ihren länderbezogenen Variationen. Dieser in den Themenschwerpunkt einführende Beitrag gibt erstens einen Überblick über die historischen Wellen des Staatskapitalismus. Zweitens werden die weiteren Beiträge des Schwerpunktes vorgestellt und in den Kontext der dritten Welle des Staatskapitalismus gestellt. Schließlich folgen drittens einige Implikationen für die gegenwärtige Kapitalismusforschung, die aus der Untersuchung von politischen Ökonomien jenseits der OECD-Welt zu ziehen sind.
Über den Abfall des Menschen
(2019)
Die historisch gewachsene Relevanz des Abfallproblems kulminiert in jüngsten theoretischen Versuchen, die Kultur als Ganzes vom Müll her in den Blick zu nehmen. Damit wird ausbuchstabiert, worauf Begriffe wie 'Wegwerfgesellschaft' hindeuten: dass Müll nicht nur als Anderes oder Rest der Produktion zu denken ist, sondern in einem viel grundlegenderen Zusammenhang mit dieser steht. Eine bis heute relevante Pionierarbeit zum Müll ist Michael Thompsons "Rubbish Theory". Am Beispiel von Seidenbildern aus dem 19. Jahrhundert zeigt er, wie einstmals Wertloses zur Antiquität wurde und welche sozialen Distinktionen mit der Deklaration einer Sache als Abfall verbunden sind. In seiner Spur lesen neuere soziologische Studien am Müllaufkommen den sozialen Status der 'Entsorger' ab: Zeige ihnen deinen Müll, und sie sagen dir, wer du bist. Reich sein heißt auch, etwas wegzuwerfen haben, und was den einen Müll, ist andern Lebensmittel. Nach Thompson ist klar geworden, dass etwas zu Müll nicht allein aufgrund seiner intrinsischen Eigenschaften wird. Eine spezielle Aufgabe der Kulturwissenschaften liegt daher in der Untersuchung der kulturellen und sozialen Codierung von Müll und des historischen Wandels objektbezogener Wertzuschreibungen.
The book deals with a comprehensive constellation of narrative and visual, often counterposed representations of the causes, course, and results of the assault on the Palace of Justice of Colombia by a guerrilla commando and the immediate counterattack launched by state security forces on November 6, 1985, as well as with the local memorial traditions in which the production, circulation and reproduction of these representations have taken place between 1985 and 2020. The research on which it is based was grounded in the method and perspective of classical anthropology, in as much as qualitative fieldwork and the search for the perspective of the actors involved have played a central role. Within that context, memory entrepreneurs belonging to diverse sectors, from the far-right to the human rights movement, were followed through multisited fieldwork in various locations of Colombia, as well as in various countries of America and Europe. The analyses of fieldwork data, documental sources, and visual representations that constitute the core of the argument are framed in the field of memory studies and mainly based on theoretical and methodological resources from Pierre Bourdieu’s Field Theory, Jeffrey Alexander’s theory of social trauma, and Ernst Gombrich’s characterization of iconological analysis.
The book is composed of four chapters preceded by an introduction and followed by the conclusions and documental appendices, and substantiates three main theses. The first is that the Palace of Justice events were a radio- and television-broadcasted dispersed tragedy that affected the lives of actors from different social sectors and regions of Colombia, who have launched since 1985 multiple memorial initiatives in different fields of culture, thereby contributing to the formation and intergenerational transmission of a widespread cultural trauma. The second is that the narrative and visual representations at the core of that trauma express a vast universe of local representational traditions that can be traced at least until the early 20th century, and therefore preexists the so-called Colombian “memory boom”, dated to the mid-1990s. As an example of the preexistence and longstanding impact of these traditions, the local usage of the figure of “holocaust” for representing the effects of politically motivated violence is analyzed regarding the Palace of Justice events, but also traced to other representations emerged in the decade of 1920. The third thesis is that analyzing the diverse, frequently counterposed accounts of political violence elaborated within these traditions provides an opportunity to explore a wide variety of understandings of the causes and characteristics of the longstanding Colombian social and armed conflict.
Keywords: Political violence, Cultural trauma, Collective Memory, Iconology, Holocaust, Colombia.
The Spanish reproductive bioeconomy has bloomed in the last few decades. There are now over three hundred fertility clinics in Spain, which has become one of the main destinations for what is often called “reproductive tourism” in the European context. The phenomenon of assisted reproduction has been extensively studied within English-speaking countries of the global North, but not so much in the cluster of Spanish-speaking countries, with a few interesting exceptions. Following the invitation to collaborate in this special issue around reproduction in Latin America and Spain, we offer an analysis of how Spanish oocyte provision and domestic work function as part of global care chains (GCC). We will compare the results of two major projects: one focusing on domestic work and the other on egg donation programs, both in Spain. We will introduce different perspectives around care and GCC, discussing how transference of oocytes can be viewed as a type of feminized labor involving affective-care work, clinical work, and biological work. The framework of GCC, a concept used to unpack unjust power relations embedded in transferences of care in current neoliberal and globalized socio-economic arrangements, can help to enable a conversation on how transferences of reproductive capacity might be reinforcing the stratification of reproduction.
Mehr Dissonanz wagen!
(2016)
NGO brokers between local needs and global norms: trajectories of development actors in Burkina Faso
(2021)
Local NGO brokers in Africa and beyond negotiate and mediate between (inter)national donors and potential beneficiaries within their communities. They translate local needs into development projects to make them suitable for international donors. This article looks at two main conditions that influence their work: First, windows of opportunity, which open and close according to structures and institutions beyond their sphere of influence; and second, their personality and skills. Based on two case studies from Burkina Faso, this article offers insights into biographies and life stories of such brokers where engagement leads to a distinguished lifestyle that contains aspects of cosmopolitanism and distinctiveness.
CGC aktuell 01/2021
(2021)
ISOE-Newsletter Nr. 1/2022
(2022)
Risiken durch Mikroplastik: Gesellschaftliche Wahrnehmung deckt sich nicht mit wissenschaftlichen Studien +++ Darmstädter Tage der Transformation: Making the Invisible Touchable – Neue Wege in der Wissenschaftskommunikation +++ Biodiversitätsforschung: Wie Städte zum Erhalt der Insektenvielfalt beitragen können +++ Umweltbewusstsein: Viel Rückenwind für sozial-ökologische Transformation +++ Gutes Klima für die Zukunftsstadt? – Frankfurter Stadtgrün im Klimawandel +++ tdAcademy: Die integrative Perspektive in der transdisziplinären Forschung +++ Wissenschaftskommunikation im Themenfeld Bioökonomie +++ ISOE-Blog +++ Aus dem ISOE +++ Termine +++ Publikationen
ISOE-Newsletterr 5/2021
(2021)
Erste Professur für Soziale Ökologie und Transdisziplinarität in Deutschland +++ Rückblick ISOE-Symposium zur Verabschiedung von Thomas Jahn: Krise, Katastrophe, Normalität – die Verantwortung der Wissenschaft für die Zukunftsgestaltung +++ Institutsbericht des ISOE erschienen: Rückblick auf das Forschungsjahr 2021 +++ Deutsch-jordanisches Forschungsprojekt zu Katastrophenschutz bei Starkregen gestartet +++ Großtechnische Umsetzung von Gemüseproduktion mit Wasserwiederverwendung +++ Wie Pendeln nachhaltiger werden kann: Ideenfindungsprozess für Reallabore startet +++ Gutes Klima für die Zukunftsstadt? – Frankfurter Stadtgrün im Klimawandel +++ Wissen für den Wandel: Zehn Jahre Ecornet +++ ISOE-Blog +++ Aus dem ISOE +++ Termine +++ Publikationen
Der Diskurs über Integration und Integrationsmechanismen fand seinen Beginn in der Migrationsforschung, deren Anfänge bis in die erste Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts zurückreichen . Innerhalb dieses Feldes fanden immer wieder Wandlungen der Ausgestaltung des Begriffs der Integration statt, da die theoretischen Konzepte in unterschiedlichen gesellschaftlichen sowie historischen Kontexten entstanden sind bzw. entstehen. Heute existiert eine Vielzahl an theoretischen Perspektiven auf Integration, die eine hohe Heterogenität und auch Interdisziplinarität aufweisen. Generell zeigt sich somit, dass, wenn von Integration gesprochen wird, nicht wirklich klar ist, was unter dem Begriff zu verstehen ist. Die vorliegende Arbeit macht es sich somit zur Aufgabe, den Begriff der Integration und damit verbundene Zielvorstellungen aus Sicht der Akteurinnen und Akteure in Sportorganisationen zu beleuchten. Dafür wird eine Studie im Mixed-Methods-Design durchgeführt, die eine fragebogenbasierte Umfrage, explorative Interviews mit Vereinsvorständen und vertiefende Leitfadeninterviews mit Vereinsmitgliedern umfasst. Ein besonderer Fokus der Gruppenvergleiche liegt dabei auf Personen mit und ohne Migrationshintergrund, um die Perspektive von Personen mit Migrationshintergrund selbst in den Diskurs einbringen zu können. Da sich subjektive Sichtweisen auch aufgrund weiterer Faktoren unterscheiden können, werden außerdem Zusammenhänge zwischen sozialstrukturellen Merkmalen sowie Merkmalen der Vereine und subjektiven Sichtweisen auf Integration untersucht.
Der Club-Nomade
(2015)
Er gilt als Urgestein unter Frankfurts Partymachern: Hans Romanov, übrigens ein Alumnus der Goethe-Uni, hat schon viele Clubs und Veranstaltungen in Frankfurt gemacht: Dazu zählen der Ostklub, das Rotary in Offenbach, aber auch der Yachtclub am Main. Der gebürtige Berliner arbeitet nebenbei als Ruderlehrer. Am 25. Januar 2016 ist er zu Gast bei der Frankfurter Bürgeruni.
Flüchtlinge, Schuldenkrise, Diskriminierung. Drei hochaktuelle, weltumspannende Themen, die eines verbindet: die Frage nach Gerechtigkeit. An der Goethe-Universität denkt die Forschergruppe »Justitia Amplificata: Erweiterte Gerechtigkeit – konkret und global« über Gerechtigkeitstheorien nach. Die Gruppe untersucht Theorien der Gerechtigkeit und ihre praktischen Implikationen. Die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft fördert die Arbeit der interdisziplinärangelegten Kolleg- Forschergruppe. Diese vernetzt Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler unterschiedlicher Karrierestufen.
Melissa Williams ist Professorin für Politikwissenschaft und Gründungsdirektorin des Center for Ethics an der Universität von Toronto. Sie forscht auf dem Gebiet der Demokratietheorie. Seit September 2015 ist Williams Fellow im Justitia-Amplificata-Programm und am Forschungskolleg Humanwissenschaften. Sie bleibt bis Juli 2016. UniReport fragte Melissa Williams nach ihren Plänen, Erwartungen und Wünschen
2015 wurde das Grabungshaus der Abteilung Vorderasiatische Archäologie an der Goethe-Universität in Tell-Chuera, im Nordosten Syriens nur wenige Kilometer von der Grenze zur Türkei gelegen, zum großen Teil zerstört. Das Gebäude wurde 15 Jahre lang von Forschern und Studierenden der Uni im Rahmen eines Projektes zur frühen Urbanisation in Mesopotamien genutzt.