480 Hellenische Sprachen; klassisches Griechisch
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Multiple exponence in morphology has recently attracted a good deal of attention (see, among others, Harris 2017; Caballero & Inkelas 2018). In this paper, I examine Modern Greek verbs which take an extra verbalizer (implicit multiple exponence). The simple base (bare form) and the base with the verbalizer co-exist in the lexicon without any semantic or aspectual opposition and can be used in the same syntactic context. Thus, they raise important questions for morphological theory. I argue that the explanation of this pleonastic addition may be hidden in the relation between inflection and derivation and the polyfunctional character of verbalizers in synthetic languages. Since the two forms co-exist and one member of each pair features an idiomatic association of meaning and complex form, morphological theory is challenged. I argue that these formations find a natural account within the framework of Construction Morphology (Booij 2010; Jackendoff & Audring 2019).
We analyze English and Greek nominal synthetic compounds like truck driver and truck driving from a syntactic perspective couched within Distributed Morphology. We derive the main differences between the two languages from the different morphosyntactic status of the non-head nouns, which are roots in Greek but categorized words in English.
This article presents a new dimension of the lexical category of “false friends”. False friends are the result of complex phenomena, exceeding bilingualism, so that they are not to be explained solely within the context of the mother tongue or of the foreign language. Many false friendships, i.e. potential false friends, stem from socalled internationalisms. In this article I discuss, in a concrete manner, based on some examples of Greek words in German, the way in which false friendships build a triangle, going further than the limits of one language pair. The main purpose of the article is to show that the etymological condition, even if only optional in defining false friends, has a major role to play in the international lexical patrimony of European languages.
We aim to understand whether Greek and Italian, two null subject languages, differ in the use and interpretation of null subjects, based on evidence from both a production and a comprehension experiment. The results of the two experiments show that the two languages differ in the extent to which they comply with the Position of Antecedent Strategy as formulated by Carminati (2002). In order to account for this difference, we introduce a principle which defines prominence of sentence constituents in terms of hierarchical height, elaborating on a recent proposal by Rizzi (2018). Then we show that the prominence of subject and object constituents in Greek and Italian reflects word-order differences between the two languages (Roussou & Tsimpli 2006). In more general terms, this paper argues in favour of a multi-factorial approach to reference interpretation, in that syntactic factors interact with discourse factors, leading to a gradient variety of reference possibilities.
Le genre des questions-et-réponses dans la littérature grecque chrétienne se laisse mieux comprendre si l'on le définit comme une série de questions-et-réponses, présentées comme telles (et non comme des lettres ou des dialogues, par exemple) abordant des sujets variés et qui ne se réduisent pas à une seule catégorie de contenu (exégèse biblique ou explications scientifiques, par exemple). Ainsi restreint, le genre des questions-et-réponses dans la littérature grecque chrétienne connaît sa période la plus faste aux Ve-VIIIe s. dans des milieux monastiques ouverts sur les problèmes et les interrogations du monde. Ce genre, d'une grande souplesse et d'une grande vitalité, permet de traiter des questions d'une façon plus accessible et plus libre qu'il ne serait possible de le faire dans une homélie ou un traité théologique.
In this paper I investigate a change in the word order patterns of Greek nominalizations that took place from the Classical Greek (CG) period to the Modem Greek (MG) one. Specifically, in CG both the patterns in (A), with its two subtypes, and (B) were possible; the MG system, on the other hand, exhibits only the (B) pattern. The difference between the two systems is that agents can only be introduced in the form of prepositional phrase in MG nominals in a position following the head noun, while they could appear in a prenominal position bearing genitive case in CG. Moreover, the theme genitive, i.e. the objective genitive, could precede the head nominal in CG; this is no longer the case in MG, where the theme genitive follows the head noun obligatorily:
(A) i) Det-(Genagent)-Nprocess-Gentheme 1 ii) Det-Gentheme-Nprocess
(B)Det-Nprocess-Gentheme (Ppagent)
I argue that the unavailability of (A) in MG is linked to the nature and the properties associated with a nominal functional projection contained within process non~inals and to other related changes in the nominal system of Greek.
