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100 Papers
(2008)
Liesl Jobson's collection is aptly termed 'flash fiction' or 'prose poems'. It comprises 100 short pieces that are beautifully impressionistic - the literary equivalent of a well-times photograph. Jobson was born in Durban, South Africa. Her poetry and prose has been published in journals and anthologies in South Africa and abroad. She won the People Opposing Women Abuse women's writing poetry competition in 2005. She as also awarded a community publishing project great from the Centre for the Book under the auspices of the National Library of South Africa in 2007. This is her debut collection which won the Ernst van Heerden creative writing award for 2006 from the University of the Witwatersrand. She is a freelance writer, photographer ad bassoonist.
100 Jahre Ernest Jouhy : dialektische Vernunft als zweifelnde Ermutigung : zum Werk von Ernest Jouhy
(2013)
10 Jahre Frauenwahlrecht
(1928)
(תּאוות (דערצײלונג [Tayves]
(2008)
װען אַ מענטש שפּאַרט זיך אײַ ן, קאָן ער אָפּטאָן זאַכן װאָס מ'מײנט אַז מ'קען זײ קײן מאָל נישט אױספֿירן – האָט זלמן גלעזער געזאָגט. – ַבײ אונדז אין ראַדאָשיץ איז געװען אַ פּראָסטער ייִ ד, אַ דאָרפֿסגײער, לײב בעלקעס. ער פֿלעגט אַרומגײן איבער די דערפֿער און אױפֿקױפֿן ַבײ די פּױערים אַ מעסטל קאַשע, אַ קראַנץ קנאָבל, אַ טאָפּ האָניק, אַ קנױל פֿלאַקס. ער האָט פֿאַרקױפֿט די פּױערטעס קאָפּטיכלעך, גלעזערנע פּערל, װאַסערלעך זיך צו באַשמעקן, אַלערלײ אָפּגעגילדטע שמאָכטעס. ַװײטער װי פֿינף װיאָרסט פֿון שטעטל איז ער קײן מאָל נישט אַװעק. די סחורה האָט ער באַצױגן דורך אַ שפּיליטער פֿון לובלין און דער אײגענער האָט אױפֿגעקױפֿט ַבײ אים װאָס ער האָט געהאַט צו פֿאַרקױפֿן. דער לײב בעלקעס איז געװען אַ פּראָסטער ייִ ד, אָבער אַ פֿרומער. שבת האָט ער געלײענט דאָס טײַ טש-חומש װי אַ ייִ דענע. אַז אַ פּאַקנטרעגער איז געקומען קײן ראַדאָשיץ, האָט ער גענומען ַבײ אים אױסצולײענען אַלע ספֿרימלעך אױף עבֿרי-טײַ טש. צום מערסטן האָט ער ליב געהאַט צו לײענען װעגן ארץ-ישׂראל. ער פֿלעגט טײל מאָל רעדן מיט אונדז חדר-ייִ נגלעך און פֿרעגן׃ װאָס איז טיפֿער, דער ירדן אָדער דער ים-סוף? װאַקסן אין ארץ-ישׂראל עפּל? װאָס פֿאַר אַ לשון רעדן די דאָרטיקע גױים? מיר האָבן אױס אים געלאַכט. אױסגעזען האָט ער עפּעס טאַקע װי אַן ארץ-ישׂראלדיקער׃ שװאַרצע אױגן, אַ פּעך-שװאַרצע באָרד און ס'פּנים אױך עפּעס שװאַרצלעך. אײן מאָל אין יאָר פֿלעגט קומען קײן ראַדאָשיץ אַ שד"ר, אײנער פֿון די ספֿרדישע ייִ דן, אַ געבױרענער אין תּימן אָדער אין שושן-הבירה. געשיקט האָט מען אים פֿון ארץ-ישׂראל. און דער דאָזיקער שד"ר האָט אױסגעזען װי לײב בעלקעסעס אַ ברודער׃ אַזאַ באָרד, אַזױנע אױגן און אַזאַ שװאַרצקײט אין פּנים. אָנגעטאָן איז געװען דער שד"ר אין אַ 2 זשופּיצע מיט שװאַרצע און רױטע פּאַסן און אין סאַנדאַלן װאָס האָבן אױסגעזען װי חליצה-שיך. אַ היטל האָט ער געהאַט װי אַ טערק. ער האָט גערעדט לשון-קודש אָדער תּרגום-לשון. ייִ דיש האָט ער אױסגעלערנט, האָט ער געזאָגט, אין די שפּעטערדיקע יאָרן. ער איז אַרומגעגאַנגען פֿון שטוב צו שטוב און געעפֿנט די פּושקעלעך װוּ מ'האָט אַרײַ נגעלײגט די נדבֿות פֿאַר ר' מאיר בעל- הנס. דער לײב בעלקעס איז געװאָרן אַזױ פֿאַרקאָכט אין אים, אַז ער האָט אים אַרײַ נגענומען צו זיך אין שטוב און יענער האָט ַבײ אים געװױנט און געגעסן. װי לאַנג דער שד"ר האָט זיך אױפֿגעהאַלטן אין ראַדאָשיץ האָט לײב בעלקעס נישט געטאָן קײן שום מיסחר. ער האָט געהאַלטן יענעם אין אײן אױספֿרעגן׃ װי זעט אױס די מערת-המכפּלה? װײס מען װוּ ס'ליגט אַבֿרהם און װוּ שׂרה? איז דאָס אמת אַז די מאַמע רחל קומט אַרױס אין מיטן דער נאַכט פֿון קבֿר און װײנט אױף אירע קינדער? איך בין נאָך דאַמאָלסט געװען אַ ייִ נגל און איך בין אַלײן אױך נאָכגעלאָפֿן דעם שד"ר. װען האָט מען געזען אין ראַדאָשיץ אײנעם פֿון יענע מקומות? ...
Out of the first series of public lectures titled (Re) membering Kenya organised by the Volume editors together with Twaweza Communications and supported by the Goethe Institut Kenya, The Ford Foundation and the Institute for International Education, and whose key outcome was the publication of Remembering Kenya Vol.1 (2010) grew a second round of lecture series. The second series took cognisance of the fact that the problems that bedevil Kenya as a nation go far beyond questions of culture and identity that Volume 1 dealt with. Thus, the second presentations revolved mainly around issues of economics, governance and power. The awareness of the role and/or lack of equity and social justice in causing Kenya?s persistent problems informed all these presentations. Issues of how to bring marginalised groups into the mainstream were discussed. This Volume, in part, arises from the second presentations. The authors of chapters attempt to provide answers to the question: what entails (re)membering in post-conflict Kenya? From their work, it is clear that there is a lot to (re)member in Kenya, and many ways in which to reconfigure project Kenya. (Re)membering is re-thinking and re organising our ways of doing things. It entails a juggling of priorities; between peace and reconciliation, peace and justice, and seeking justice and reconciliation without undermining peace, all of which are arduous exercises. Reconciling misconceptions about places, issues and people is part of this reconstitution too. New pathways require being embraced, past mistakes (individual and collective) acknowledged and giving earnest meaning to the vow ?never again!? Yet, as observed in this Volume, Kenyans must be vigilant against individuals and groups that have often resisted change. There are also material constraints to the achievement of the various economic activities that come with reconfiguring the Kenyan nation. Worse still there exist certain cultural underpinnings that continue to have a debilitating effect on efforts to forge a sustainable peace after conflict. These aspects require deep reflection and honest work. In part, the contributors to this Volume suggest how it can be done. There is a hint in these chapters that we need to find new organizing spaces and principles on which a ?new? Kenya can move forward. Equally, debating the very meanings of social justice and reconciliation against the background of potential conflict should be a project of this endeavor. Questioning and identifying where impunity begun is key to this process. In doing so, we begin liberating ourselves from Kenyan society?s deep-rooted impunity. (Re)membering Kenya, after all, calls for a reconstruction of ?the journey to the conflict? in order to find the right balance between the right of remembrance and the duty of forgetfulness.
One of the critical questions that Kenyans have continuously asked is what went wrong in January and February 2008 with the 'peace' they had hitherto enjoyed. There have not been readily available answers to this fundamental question. The collection of papers presented in this book attempt to provide, as a starting point, possible explanations for the events of early 2008 including key background issues in Kenyan history since pre-independence times. Based on a series of public lectures titled (Re)membering Kenya organized by the volume editors together with Twaweza Communications and sponsored by the Goethe-Institut Kenya, the Institute for International Education and The Ford Foundation the lecture series became a way of trying to get scholars to engage meaningfully with the Kenyan public on critical matters pertaining to their nationhood - even if this entailed first calling to question the 'lie' about the very ideas and practices upon which that nationhood is assumed to stand. A key lesson drawn from the unfolding discussions at the Goethe-Institut Kenya was that the 2007 elections' debacle was merely the cusp of momentous crises to do with among other issues, governance, law and order, Parliament's abdication of its role in ensuring accountability from the Executive, dilemmas of identity and socio-economic marginality. The book is the first of three volumes under the (Re)membering Kenya series whose overall objective is to cast some new light on the various trajectories that informed the happenings of January 2008. The present volume brings together some of the best interpretative writing and suggestions on pertinent questions, past and present, ranging from the architecture of Kenya's ethnicity, Kenyanness, generational competition, socialization and violence, iconic representations of identity to the ongoing debate on the efficacy of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC). It is hoped that the issues debated during the public lectures and documented herein will spur further discussions in other spaces within civil society organizations, among activists and in newspapers where the public might continue to expand their thinking on the complex task of (Re)membering Kenya.