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Background: Tularemia is caused by Francisella tularensis and can occasionally establish foodborne transmission.
Methods: Patients were identified by active case detection through contact with the treating physicians and consent for publication was obtained. Clinical data were accumulated through a review of the patient charts. Serology, culture, and PCR methods were performed for confirmation of the diagnosis.
Case cluster: A 46-year-old patient was hospitalised in the University Hospital Frankfurt (a tertiary care hospital) for pharyngitis and cervical lymphadenitis with abscess. A diagnosis of tularemia was made serologically, but treatment with ciprofloxacin initially failed. F. tularensis was detected in pus from the lymph node using a specific real-time PCR. The use of RD1 PCR led to the identification of the subspecies holarctica. Antibiotic therapy with high-dose ciprofloxacin and gentamicin was administered and was subsequently changed to ciprofloxacin and rifampicin. During a must-tasting, five other individuals became infected with tularemia by ingestion of contaminated must. All patients required treatment durations of more than 14 days.
Conclusions: Mechanically harvested agricultural products, such as wine must, can be a source of infection, probably due to contamination with animal carcasses. The clinical course of tularemia can be complicated and prolonged and requires differentiated antibiotic treatment.
In modern welfare states, family policies may resolve the tension between employment and care-focused demands. However these policies sometimes have adverse consequences for distinct social groups. This study examined gender and educational differences in working parents’ perceived work–family conflict and used a comparative approach to test whether family policies, in particular support for child care and leave from paid work, are capable of reducing work–family conflict as well as the gender and educational gaps in work–family conflict. We use data from the European Social Survey 2010 for 20 countries and 5296 respondents (parents), extended with information on national policies for maternity and parental leave and child care support from the OECD Family Database. Employing multilevel analysis, we find that mothers and the higher educated report most work–family conflict. Policies supporting child care reduce the level of experienced work–family conflict; family leave policy appears to have no alleviating impact on working parents’ work–family conflict. Our findings indicate that family policies appear to be unable to reduce the gender gap in conflict perception and even widen the educational gap in work–family conflict.
Do economic fluctuations change the labour market attachment of mothers? How is the reentry process into the labour market after childbirth dependent on the country context women live in? Are these processes affected by occupational status? We address these questions using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Youth and the German Life History Study. Event history analyses demonstrate that in Germany and the United States, mothers who work in high occupational status jobs before birth return more quickly to their jobs and are less likely to interrupt their careers. During legally protected leave periods, mothers return at higher rates, exemplifying that family leaves strengthen mothers’ labour force attachment. Economic fluctuations mediate this latter finding, with different consequences in each country. In the United States, mothers tend to return to their jobs faster when unemployment is high. In Germany, mothers on family leave tend to return to their jobs later when unemployment is high. The cross-national comparison shows how similar market forces create distinct responses in balancing work and care.
The authors argue, in line with recent research, that operationalizing gender ideology as a unidimensional construct ranging from traditional to egalitarian is problematic and propose an alternative framework that takes the multidimensionality of gender ideologies into account. Using latent class analysis, they operationalize their gender ideology framework based on data from the 2008 European Values Study, of which eight European countries reflecting the spectrum of current work–family policies were selected. The authors examine the form in which gender ideologies cluster in the various countries. Five ideology profiles were identified: egalitarian, egalitarian essentialism, intensive parenting, moderate traditional, and traditional. The five ideology profiles were found in all countries, but with pronounced variation in size. Ideologies mixing gender essentialist and egalitarian views appear to have replaced traditional ideologies, even in countries offering some institutional support for gendered separate spheres.
In this paper, we use the “gender as a social structure” framework to assess macro-, interactional-, and micro-level mechanisms explaining the stalled revolution in gender ideologies. Using the European Values Study 2008 data and latent class analysis, we look at the spread of gender ideologies and examine their association with national levels of gendered ascription of work and care roles, work–family compatibility, social inequality and societal affluence, individual characteristics, and cross-level interactions with gender and education in 36 (post-)industrialized countries. By including a large number of Central, Eastern, and South-Eastern European countries, we provide a new and comprehensive picture of the gender ideology landscapes of Europe, reflected in two unidimensional classes—egalitarian and traditional—and four multidimensional classes, covering more than 60 percent of respondents—family oriented, choice egalitarian, intensive motherhood, and neotraditional. By modeling key features of macro-level variation, we show how the spread of gender ideologies is associated with distinct contextual conditions. We consolidate previous findings on multidimensional gender ideologies, which were based on fewer countries.
In the 21st century, the division of housework remains gendered, with women on average still spending more time doing chores than their male partners. While research has studied why this phenomenon is so persistent, few studies have yet been able to assess the effect of gender ideology and socio-economic resources at the same time, usually due to data restrictions. We use data from the pairfam, a new and innovative German panel study, in order to test the effect of absolute and relative resources as well as his and her gender ideology on the division of housework. We employ a life course perspective and analyze trajectories of couples’ housework division over time, using multi-level random effects growth curve models. We find that an egalitarian gender ideology of both him and her significantly predicts more egalitarian division-trajectories, while neither absolute nor relative resources appear to have an effect on the division of housework over time. Furthermore, our results expand the literature by investigating how these processes differ among childless couples and couples who experience the first birth.
We revisit the limited stock market participation puzzle leveraging a qualitative research approach that is commonly used in many social sciences, but much less so in finance or economics. We conduct in-depth interviews of stock market participants and non-participants in Germany, a high-income country with a low stock market participation rate. Differently from a survey using preset questions based on theory, we elicit views in an open-ended discussion, which starts with a general question about “money”, is not flagged as regarding stock market participation, and allows for probing and follow-up questions. Many of the factors proposed by the literature are mentioned by interviewees. However, non-investors perceive surprisingly high entry and participation costs due to a fundamental misunderstanding of the potential for selecting “good” stocks and avoiding “bad” ones and for market timing through frequent trading. Surprisingly, the investors we interview often share these views. However, they find a way to overcome these costs with the help of family, friends, or financial advisors they trust. While the insights from our qualitative interviews are based on a small number of interviewees, we find consistent evidence in a population-wide survey of investors and non-investors.
