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Ziel der Arbeit ist es, den frühen Zweitspracherwerb bei Kinder mit einer Spezifischen Sprachentwicklungsstörung (specific language impairment, SLI) zu charakterisieren. Im Vergleich zwischen sprachunauffälligen Kindern mit Deutsch als Zweitsprache (DaZ-TD) und und sprachauffälligen Kindern (DaZ-SLI) wird für die morpho-syntaktischen Bereiche Finitheit und Verbstellung sowie Kasus untersucht, anhand welcher Entwicklungsmuster sich zwischen einem unauffälligen und einem auffälligen DaZ-Erwerb unterscheiden lässt. Dabei werden die folgenden übergeordneten Fragen (F) beantwortet. (F1) Gibt es Unterschiede in Bezug auf Fehlerarten und -häufigkeiten zwischen DaZ-TD und DaZ-SLI Kindern? (F2) Gibt es persistierende Defizite bei DaZ-SLI Kindern verglichen mit DaZ-TD Kindern?
Untersucht wurden über einen Zeitraum von zwei Jahren 33 DaZ-Kinder, elf davon mit einer SLI. Zu Beginn der Erhebungen waren die DaZ-TD Kinder im Durchschnitt 3;8 Jahre alt und hatten 11 KM zum Deutschen. Die DaZ-SLI waren zu MZP 1 durchschnittlich 7;1 Jahre alt (45 KM). Zu insgesamt vier MZP wurden elizitierte Produktionsdaten mittels des standardisierten Verfahrens LiSe-DaZ (Schulz & Tracy 2011) erhoben. Sowohl die Methode der elizitierten Produktion als auch die längsschnittlichen Analysen einer großen Gruppe von Kindern mit DaZ erlaubten es, Aussagen über das Erwerbsalter bzw. persistierende Defizite und Entwicklungsmuster, insbesondere bei SLI, zu treffen. Entwicklungsverzögerungen (delay) und ggf. vom DaZ-TD Erwerb abweichende Entwicklungsmuster (deviance) wurden abgebildet.
Mit der Beantwortung der Fragen leistet die Arbeit in zweierlei Hinsicht einen Beitrag. Erstens wird mit Blick auf die Spracherwerbsforschung gezeigt, dass DaZ-SLI Kinder entwicklungsverzögert sind und sowohl ø-Stämme in V2 als auch Schwierigkeiten im Erwerb von Dativ in Präpositionalphrasen auf eine SLI bei Kindern mit DaZ hinweisen. Zweitens wird aus Sicht der Linguistik dafür argumentiert, dass zum einen ø-Stämme in V2 kovert finit sind und zum anderen in Modellen der Kasuszuweisung von einer dreigliedrigen Struktur, also einer Unterscheidung zwischen strukturellem, lexikalischem und inhärentem Kasus, ausgegangen werden muss.
Die Arbeit knüpft an damit an verschiedene Erwerbsstudien an. Hinsichtlich des Erwerbs von Finitheit und Verbstellung war bisher ungeklärt, ob auch die DaZ-SLI Kinder zwischen en-Infinitiven und ø-Stämmen hinsichtlich der jeweiligen Position im Satz unterscheiden, wie bereits für den DaZ-TD Erwerb nachgewiesen. Die vorliegende Studie wies dieses Erwerbsmuster auch für den DaZ-SLI Erwerb nach und schließt sich damit bisherigen Studien hinsichtlich kovert finiter ø-Stämme in V2 an. Studien zum Kasuserwerb bei DaZ, die auf den linguistisch relevanten Unterschied in der Kasuszuweisung, d.h. strukturell vs. nicht-strukturell (inhärent und lexikalisch), eingehen, gab es nur wenige. Die Frage, ob in der Kasustheorie von einem zwei- oder dreigliedrigen Modell ausgegangen werden muss, war neben der Frage nach möglicherweise abweichenden Erwerbsmustern und persistierenden Erwerbsschwierigkeiten bei DaZ-SLI bislang ungeklärt. In der vorliegenden Studie wurde gezeigt, dass DaZ-SLI Kinder verglichen mit DaZ-TD Kindern ähnliche Fehlermuster zeigen, aber insbesondere der Dativ in PPs stark verzögert erworben wird. Die Studie schließt den Ergebnissen zum simultan bilingualen Erwerb an und postuliert ein dreigliedriges Kasussystem.
Insgesamt zeigt die vorliegende Studie erstmals anhand elizitierter Längsschnittdaten, dass DaZ-SLI Kinder bis ins Schulalter persistierende Probleme im Erwerb von Finitheit und Verbstellung sowie Kasus haben. Verglichen mit DaZ-TD Kindern erwerben sie diese Bereiche - wenn überhaupt - deutlich verzögert (delay). In den Fehlertypen unterscheiden sich die beiden Erwerbstypen hingegen nicht (deviance).
In dieser Arbeit wurde untersucht, ob die Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik in den pädiatrischen Früherkennungsuntersuchungen U7a (mit 3 Jahren), U8 (4 J.) und U9 (5 J.) wissenschaftliche Qualitätsanforderungen an eine zuverlässige Identifikation von Kindern mit Spezifischen Sprachentwicklungsstörungen (SSES) erfüllt. Im Fokus der Untersuchung stehen mehrsprachige Kinder, da es insbesondere bei dieser Zielgruppe zu Fehleinschätzungen kommt.
In Studie I, einer Fragebogenerhebung mit 36 Kinderärzt/innen, wurde erstens der Frage nachgegangen, welche Informationen zur Sprachbiografie und Indikatoren einer SSES anamnestisch erhoben werden. Den Ergebnisse zufolge werden die relevanten sprachbiografischen Informationen (Alter und Sprachen des Kindes, Sprachgebrauch in der Familie, Alter bei Beginn des Deutscherwerbs, Kontaktdauer) und Risikoindikatoren (späte Produktion erster Wörter und Wortverbindungen, familiäre Sprachauffälligkeiten) von nahezu allen Kinderärzt/innen erfasst. Den Stand der Erstsprache als zentrales differentialdiagnostisches Kriterium erheben 75% der Pädiater/innen. Zweitens wurde untersucht, welche sprachdiagnostischen Methoden und Verfahren zur Untersuchung des Kindes zum Repertoire der Ärzt/innen gehören. Den Ergebnisse zufolge verfügen sie über verschiedenste Verfahren. Sie präferieren Elternfragebögen und nicht standardisierte Verfahren. Diese erfüllen die testtheoretischen Gütekriterien nicht und sind für mehrsprachige Kinder nicht geeignet.
In Studie II wurde mittels teilnehmender Beobachtungen in 21 Vorsorgeuntersuchungen bei 11 Ärzt/innen untersucht, unter welchen Rahmenbedingungen und wie Kinderärzt/innen die Sprachentwicklung mehrsprachiger Kinder überprüfen. Als Methode zur Beurteilung der sprachlichen Fähigkeiten bevorzugen die Ärzt/innen das informelle Gespräch mit dem Kind. Ein Schwerpunkt der Arbeit lag deshalb auf der Analyse ihrer diagnostischen Fragen für die Erfassung sprachlicher Fähigkeiten im Gespräch. Dafür wurden Fragetypen des Deutschen danach klassifiziert, welche sprachlichen Strukturen in den Antworten erwartet werden können und welchen Beitrag sie somit zur Diagnostik einer SSES leisten können. Eine linguistische Analyse aller Fragen und Impulse (n = 801), die die Ärzt/innen an die Kinder richteten, um sie zum Sprechen anzuregen, ergab, dass ihr Potenzial für die Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik nur unzureichend genutzt wird. 18% der ärztlichen Fragen waren nicht auswertbar, weil sie im Gespräch keine Antwort des Kindes zuließen. Im Mittel waren je Untersuchung lediglich 8,5% aller auswertbaren Fragen (n = 578) dazu geeignet, verbhaltige und v.a. satzwertige Äußerungen zu elizitieren. Diese sind für die SSES-Diagnostik besonders relevant, da sie frühe Symptome einer SSES enthalten können. 43% der Fragen ließen als Antwort verblose Konstituenten erwarten, die jedoch für die Diagnostik von untergeordneter Bedeutung sind. Die übrigen Fragen waren für die Diagnostik nicht relevant.
Den Ergebnisse beider Studien zufolge ist eine flächendeckend zuverlässige Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik unter Einhaltung wissenschaftlicher Qualitätsanforderungen in den Früherkennungsuntersuchungen nicht gewährleistet.
Mit der Arbeit wird ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der pädiatrischen Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik geleistet. Mögliche Ursachen für Fehldiagnosen werden offengelegt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen die Bedingungen und Probleme auf, unter denen Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik in institutionellen Kontexten stattfindet, und weisen damit über das Feld der pädiatrischen Diagnostik hinaus. Die linguistisch fundierte Analyse diagnostischer Fragen ist auch bspw. für die Sprachtherapie und die Sprachförderung in pädagogischen Kontexten bedeutsam. Die Ergebnisse lassen sich folglich nicht nur für die Weiterqualifizierung von Kinderärzt/innen, sondern auch für andere Berufsgruppen fruchtbar machen.
This thesis investigates the acquisition of compositional and lexical semantic properties of adjectives in German-speaking children between the age of two and five years.
According to formal semantic approaches, there are intersective and non-intersective adjectives, subsective and non-subsective adjectives as well as gradable and non-gradable adjectives. These properties concern the compositional mechanisms involved in nominal modification, i.e., the combination of adjectives and nouns. In addition, adjectives differ regarding lexical semantic properties that contribute to the adjectives' meaning. Differences in the adjectives' scale structure have led to the theoretical assumption that gradable adjectives should be distinguished into relative and absolute gradable adjectives. In addition, meaning components such as multidimensionality or subjectivity have led to the distinction between dimensional and evaluative gradable adjectives. These properties have been mostly investigated independently of each other in both theory and acquisition research. I suggest a classification system for adjectives that combines different semantic properties. This system results in six adjective classes constituting a Semantic Complexity Hierarchy. Assuming that these adjective classes differ in semantic complexity, I propose an operationalization of semantic complexity that takes into account the adjectives' length of description, their type complexity, and lexical properties that contribute to the adjectives' meaning.
Regarding the question of how monolingual German-speaking children acquire the semantics of adjectives, I hypothesize that the order of acquisition of adjectives is determined by their semantic complexity. This hypothesis is tested in a spontaneous speech study and a comprehension experiment.
The spontaneous speech study is a longitudinal investigation of the production of adjectives from 2;00 to 2;11 years based on transcripts from a dense data corpus. The results provide evidence that the mean age of acquisition for the adjective classes in the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy follows the order predicted by semantic complexity. The same order was observed for the age at which the number of types for each class increased most. A preliminary analysis of the input indicates that the frequency of parental adjective use is related to the order of acquisition, but it is unlikely that frequency determines the order completely.
The comprehension experiment focuses on two specific adjective classes. I examine children's and adults' interpretation of relative (big, small) and absolute (clean, dirty) gradable dimensional adjectives with a picture-choice task. These two classes are of the same semantic complexity because they are both gradable, but they have different scale structures. As a result, they must be interpreted differently due to lexical semantic properties. I investigate whether children calculate different standards of comparison for relative and absolute gradable adjectives and whether they distinguish between relative and absolute gradable adjectives regarding the relevance of the explicit comparison class. The results indicate that as of age 3, children distinguish between relative and absolute gradable adjectives with regard to the standard of comparison. However, with respect to the relevance of the comparison class, for 3-year-old children, unlike for 4- and 5-year-olds, changes in the noun, i.e., in the explicit comparison class, led to non-adult-like responses regarding both relative and absolute gradable adjectives.
On the basis of the empirical findings, I propose an acquisition path stating that children enter the acquisition process with inherent linguistic knowledge, the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy, and cognitive abilities to categorize their environment. I suggest that initially, children apply the least complex interpretation available in the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy to all adjectives: all adjectives are interpreted as properties of individuals that are not gradable. To access other levels of the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy and to establish more complex adjective classes, positive evidence from the input and conceptual properties of adjectives, e.g., COLOR, MENTAL STATE, PHYSICAL PROPERTY etc., can operate as triggers.
This thesis investigated the acquisition of restrictive and appositive interpretations of relative clauses in German-speaking children between the age of 3 and 6 in three experiments.
The theoretical background shows that restrictive relative clauses are semantically less complex than appositive ones. This assumption is supported by observations from a typological overview on the semantic functions attested across languages. It is shown that the existence of appositive relative clauses implies the availability of restrictive readings in a given language. Furthermore, restrictive readings may be favored due to the functioning of general processing principles. Previous research on the acquisition of relative clauses demonstrates that the acquisition of the semantic functions of relative clauses is an understudied area. In contrast, the acquisition of syntactic aspects of relative clauses is well documented. Relative clauses start to be produced in the third year of life and can be interpreted target-like between the age of 4 and 8 depending on their structure. Which semantic interpretation children assign to relative clauses at this age, however, is still an open question.
Based on the formal background and insights from previous studies, three experiments were designed: two picture selection tasks and one acceptability task. The crucial aspect of the experimental design constitutes the interaction of an ordinal number word and the interpretation of the relative clause in sentences like “Take the third car(,) that/which is red”. The scope of the ordinal number reveals whether the relative clause had been attached restrictively at the NP-level or whether it had been attached higher up at the DP shell resulting in an appositive interpretation.
The results of the experiments demonstrate that 4- to 6-year-old German-speaking children and adults prefer restrictive readings over appositive ones. This preference is found within the group data and is mirrored by the results of an individual analysis. In addition, while the majority of children has acquired restrictive readings at the age of 4, appositive interpretations are mastered only by about half of the children between age 4 and 6. Interestingly, 3-year-old children show a different pattern than their older peers. Appositive but not restrictive interpretations seem to be available to these children. Although the results may be taken as evidence that appositivity is acquired before restrictivity in relative clauses by German-speaking children, I propose the contrary. Based on assumptions about the complexity of restrictive and appositive derivations, I argue that the appositive interpretations observed at the age of 3 do not result from a target-like syntactic and semantic representation. I propose that 3-year-old children do not yet identify relative clauses as nominal modifiers. Instead, they are derived from an incorrect attachment of the relative clause higher up in the syntactic tree.
The results of the three experiments are the first to show that neither a prototypical unintegrated prosodic contour nor the presence of a lexical marker, the discourse particle “ja”, or a visual context biasing for appositivity led to an increase of appositive interpretations in the children’s groups. Adults, in contrast, were sensitive to the presence of the discourse particle and the cues from the visual context. As for children, the prosodic format of the relative clauses did not systematically change the interpretation preferences of adults.
The proposed acquisition path may not be specific to German. Instead, it is predicted to hold cross-linguistically and may also be transferred to the interpretation of adjectives. Moreover, the assumptions on how children integrate relative clauses during comprehension may be generalized to other types of subordinate clauses.
This thesis investigates the acquisition pace and the typical developmental path in eL2 acquisition of selected phenomena of German morphosyntax and semantics and compared them to monolingual acquisition. In addition, the influence of ‘Age of Onset’ and of external factors on eL2 acquisition is examined.
To date, the most studies on eL2 acquisition focused on language production. Based on mostly longitudinal spontaneous speech data of only small number of children, they indicate that eL2 learners acquire sentence structure and subject-verb-agreement faster than monolingual children, whereas the acquisition of case marking causes them more difficulties. Moreover, similar developmental paths to those of monolingual children are claimed. Only several studies examined comprehension abilities in eL2 learners, however overwhelmingly in cross-sectional design. The findings from comprehension studies on telic and atelic verbs, and on wh-questions indicate that eL2 children acquire their target-like interpretation faster than monolingual children. The same acquisition stages towards target-like interpretation like in monolingual acquisition are assumed as well. Taking together, to date, no study exists, that examines comprehension and production abilities in a large group of eL2 learners of German in a longitudinal design.
This thesis extends the previous results by investigating pace of acquisition, impact of factors, and individual developmental paths in a longitudinal design with large groups of participants. Language data of 29 eL2 learners of German (age at T1: 3;7 years, LoE: 10 months) and 45 monolingual German-speaking children (age at T1: 3;7) are examined. The eL2 learners were tested in six test rounds (age at T6: 6;9 years). The monolingual children were tested in five test rounds (are at T5: 5;7). The standardized test LiSe-DaZ (Schulz & Tracy, 2011) was employed to examine children’s language skills.
eL2 learners show a significantly greater rate of change, thus faster acquisition pace, than monolingual children in the following scales: comprehension of telicity, comprehension of wh-questions, production of prepositions, and production of conjunctions. These phenomena are acquired early in monolingual children. No differences regarding acquisition pace between eL2 children and monolingual children are found for comprehension of negation, production of case marking, and production of focus particles. These phenomena are acquired late in monolingual development and involve semantic and pragmatic knowledge. The findings of faster acquisition pace of several phenomena are in line with several studies that reported that eL2 children develop faster than monolingual children.
Independent on whether a phenomenon is acquired early or late, no effects of external factors on eL2 children’s performance are found. These findings indicate that acquisition of core, rule-based phenomena is not sensitive to external factors if the first exposure to L2 takes place around the age of three.
Moreover, eL2 children show the same developmental stages and error types in comprehension of telicity, comprehension of negation, production of matrix and subordinate clauses. This is also independent on how fast they acquire a structure under consideration. Thus, these findings provide a further support for similar developmental paths of eL2 and monolingual children towards target-like comprehension and production.
Im Mittelpunkt der Dissertation steht die Untersuchung der Sprachförderkompetenz von Grundschullehrkräften aus linguistischer Perspektive. Dabei geht es um Grundschullehrkräfte, die in der vorschulischen Sprachförderung, v.a. von Kindern mit Deutsch als früher Zweitsprache (DaZ), im Rahmen sogenannter Vorlaufkurse in Hessen tätig sind. Anhand von zwei zentralen Dimensionen professioneller Kompetenz, dem Wissen und dem Handeln, werden in zwei empirischen Studien anhand einer Gruppe von 10 Lehrkräften der Umfang des sprachlichen Fachwissens und verschiedene Eigenschaften des sprachlichen Handelns in der Interaktion mit DaZ-Kindern im Vorlaufkurs untersucht. Zudem werden mögliche Zusammenhänge zwischen Wissen und Handeln sowie Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten hinsichtlich beider Dimensionen zu pädagogischen Fachkräften aus dem Elementarbereich geprüft.
This dissertation investigates a special class of anaphoric form, yè, in Ewe known as the logophoric pronoun. This research makes a number of novel observations.
In the first chapter, I introduce the reader to the phenomenon under investigation as well as provide information on Ewe and its dialects and, methodology. In Chapter 2, I present the pronominal system of Ewe which is categorised into strong and weak forms following Cardinaletti & Starke (1994) and Agbedor (1996). The distribution of pronouns is outlined which sets the tone for an overview of logophoric marking. In this respect, I present variations in logophoric marking strategies cross linguistically and show that Ewe differs significantly from other pronouns in this category. In an effort to explain the deviant case of yè, I entertain the idea that yè is a pure logophoric pronoun in the sense of Clements (1975) and thus, its additional de re and strict interpretation does not imply non-logophoricity.
Chapter 3 demonstrates that yè is sensitive to contexts which portray the intention of an individual. Following Sells (1987), the antecedent of yè must have an intention to communicate. I broadly categorize logophoric contexts into reportative (direct-indirect speech) or non-reportative (speaker’s mental attitude, reporter’s observation or background knowledge of a situation). Based on this categorization, indirect speech report (Clements 1975), dis- course units such as a paragraph or an episode (Clements 1975), and sentential adjuncts such as purpose, causal and consequence clauses (Culy 1994a) are reviewed. The logophoric pro- noun occurs in the complement of attitude verbs (Clements 1975), also termed logocentric (à la (Stirling 1994)) or logophoric predicates (à la (Culy 1994a)) as well as with non-attitudinal verbs (e.g. va ‘come’ or wO ‘do’ as in sentential adjuncts). I argue contra Clements (1975) and Culy (1994a) that yè can occur with perception predicates. I further provide three new instances of non-reportative contexts which are compatible with yè namely, as-if clauses, benefactive na clauses and alesi ‘how’ clauses. I show, corroborating previous studies that contexts which are necessary for the licensing of yè include all of the aforementioned except causal clauses. Among these contexts, the complementizer be or regarding cases where there is no be, an element in C (due to the Doubly-Filled-Comp Filter (DFCF) c.f. Chomsky & Lasnik (1977)), is sufficient to license yè. Following Bimpeh & Sode (2021), yè is licensed by feature checking (in the spirit of von Stechow (2004)): be bears the interpretatble [log] feature which checks the uninterpretable [log] feature of yè. I include a redefinition of logophoricity as pertaining to Ewe.
Given the disparity found in the literature concerning the interpretation of yè: Ewedome (pronounce EVedome) has only de se readings (Bimpeh 2019); while ‘pure’ Ewe, Mina (variety of Ewe spoken in Togo) Pearson (2015), Danyi (O’Neill 2015) and Anlo (pronounced ANlO) (Satık 2019) has de re readings; chapter 4 aims at lending empirical support to the ungoing discussion by verifying the interpretation of yè. Two acceptability judgment tasks were conducted namely, truth value judgment task and binary forced choice task. The results corroborates Pearson (2012, 2015) and others’ discovery that yè has a de re interpretation in the Ewedome (contra Bimpeh (2019); Bimpeh et al. (2022)), Anlo and Tonu (pronounced TONu) dialects of Ewe.
In chapter 5, I discuss the relation between logophoricity (yè, yè a) and Control (PRO). I show that yè may be restricted to a set of verbs which obligatorily require the morpheme a ‘potential marker’ (Essegbey 2008), in subject position. This set of verbs are those that are known as control verbs c.f. (Landau 1999) in English. As a result of this restriction, research such as Satık (2019) claims that yè a is the overt instantiation of PRO in English. According to the Ewe facts, it appears as though on one hand, yè and PRO share similar properties in logophoric contexts and on the other hand, yè in combination with the potential marker, a also share properties with PRO in subject control environments. Against this background, I discuss the relation between yè, yè a and PRO and show that neither yè in isolation nor yè in combination with a, contrary to Satık (2019), is the overt instantiation of PRO. I clarify that the potential morpheme a is not cliticised or combined with the logophoric yè. The two forms are seperate morphemes. The potential marker a only shows up in control environments because a sub-class of verbs require it for grammaticality purposes. As such, the property of de se-ness does not come from yè by itself, yè a or a but rather from the sub-class of verbs which require the potential marker a...
This thesis examines the referential properties of prenominal possessive modifiers in Serbian. The focus of the investigation is on the configurations that have been claimed to violate Binding Principles B and C: lexical or pronominal possessives modifying a noun in subject position binding a pronoun or an R-expression in object position. Such constructions have been claimed to be ungrammatical in Serbian due to the alleged adjectival status of the possessive and its respective syntactic position as NP-adjoined (Despić 2013).
The present thesis takes up the ongoing debate about the categorial status of Serbian possessives as adjectives or determiners. Based on several arguments, such as word order, binding of anaphora, coordination, and the fact that they are typically represented by either nouns or pronouns, it is concluded that possessives rather behave like full noun phrases than adjectives. Therefore, I analyse possessives as DPs from a categorial point of view.
In a second step, the syntactic position of the possessives within the Serbian noun phrase has been investigated. Based on theoretical arguments (cf. Bašić 2004) and empirical evidence, I propose a structural position that would accommodate the binding facts and the referential possibilities in these configurations. In line with Kayne (1994), Bernstein and Tortora (2005) and Alexiadou et al. (2007), I assume that possessives occupy SpecAgrP in Serbian, where they move from their base position (SpecPossP). Thirdly, I question the (im)possibility of coreference with possessives in comparison to ‘typical’ binding constructions without possessives by providing empirical evidence from three experimental studies, showing that coreference between possessive modifiers and objects is indeed available in Serbian.
The results from Experiment 1 (a picture selection task) have shown that coreference between a lexical possessive and a (clitic or strong) pronoun is allowed in Serbian. Further, there is a tendency that the coreferential reading is preferred with clitics, while the disjoint reference is preferred with strong pronouns. The fact that coreference is possible, does not necessarily mean that it is always available as the only interpretation, but can be influenced by other (pragmatic) factors. The same is observed in Experiments 2 and 3 as coreference was chosen between pronominal possessives modifying a noun in subject position and R-expressions but rejected between pronouns and R-expressions in a forced-choice task, suggesting a structural difference – no c-command – in the former case. The results from the self-paced reading task corroborate this finding.
Importantly, the experimental results provide evidence that possessive configurations are not violating Binding Principles B and C. This implies that Serbian possessive constructions do not c-command out of the noun phrase, as predicted by the proposed syntactic analysis.
The findings from all experiments contribute to the bigger picture concerning the nature and behaviour of Serbian possessives and cast doubt on the cross-linguistic DG/AG parameter. Instead, the theoretical arguments and the empirical results from the experiments rather speak for a parallel structure of possessive noun phrases in Serbian and English and ultimately in favour of the Universal DP Hypothesis.
