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Faces are thought to be processed primarily according to their configurations which is in-ferred from comparisons with non-facial stimuli. While the whole (face) seems to be more than the sum of its parts, the same does not apply to objects which are processed analytically according to their featural information. A recent recognition model stresses the importance of certain visual information within facial stimuli. By applying a specific filtering technique, stimuli can be generated that are restricted to contain information of only a certain orienta-tion. Dakin and Watt (2009) reported greatest recognition performance with faces that only contained horizontally aligned information with accuracy continuously declining at vertical. Furthermore, they showed that, compared with images of natural scenes, horizontal contours within faces have an unusual tendency to fall into vertically co-aligned clusters which were labelled biological ‘bar code’ referring to a highly constrained one-dimensional code. Con-secutive research tested for face-specific processing by comparing faces and objects that displayed information of different orientations. Results suggested configural processing only for faces that contained horizontal information (Goffaux & Dakin, 2010). The findings con-tribute important insight on a still unanswered question in face processing research: what information is extracted from faces for recognizing them. Despite the importance of remembering human faces on a daily basis, this ability seems to develop disadvantageously over lifetime. Decreased accuracy cannot be attributed to de-creased general cognitive ability (Hildebrandt, Wilhelm, Schmiedek, Herzmann, & Sommer, 2011) and slower reactions times are assumed to be a product of decision making rather than sensory speed (Habak, Wilkinson, & Wilson, 2008). Considering the amount of published work on face recognition, there is a lack of studies available assessing this important ability at a higher age. New theoretical concepts are rarely examined with older participants, appar-ently assuming their general validity. The current dissertation tries to help fill this gap by assessing the importance of horizontal information from a developmental perspective com-paring younger and older adults under different experimental variations. The first study showed, that presenting older participants with horizontally filtered faces has a dispropor-tional negative impact on recognizing younger unfamiliar faces suggesting differential pro-cessing mechanisms, since recognizing stimuli that only contained vertical information did not differ between age groups. On this basis, the following study manipulated the presented stimulus material, since some evidence suggests that own-age faces are more easily recog-nized compared to faces of other ages, which is referred to as “own-age bias”. Therefore, the second study systematically assessed the impact of stimulus age on recognition sensitivity. Moreover, encoding modalities were varied by providing increased exposure duration to the stimuli. The results of the first study were replicated, as older participants’ performance was still poor at recognizing younger faces, independent from encoding modalities. However, similar face recognition sensitivity compared to younger adults was observable when filtered faces of the older adults’ own age had to be recognized. Interestingly, correlations between recognizing filtered and unfiltered faces were obtained for younger adults but not for older adults suggesting age variant processing of horizontal information. The last study assessed the importance of horizontal information with stimulus material familiar to the observer. Although research highlights differences between recognizing unfamiliar and familiar stimu-lus material, this factor is often not considered by contemporary research. By presenting par-ticipants with their own faces, a stimulus of greatest individual familiarity was chosen. The superiority of own face recognition over other familiar material is referred to as “self-face advantage” and has been shown in comparison with personally familiar faces (Keyes & Brady, 2010) and famous faces (Caharel et al., 2002). While younger adults indeed recog-nized their self-faces better compared to famous faces independent from stimuli being fil-tered or unfiltered, older participants displayed a completely different pattern including the inability to recognize their filtered self-faces. Again, significant associations were obtained between filtered and unfiltered recognition conditions suggesting convergent processing mechanisms for younger adults but not for the older age group. This dissertation provides a first insight in the divergence of response behavior in older adults with a recent face processing model. While the obtained data undermine the im-portance of horizontal information in younger adults by replicating and extending previously published work, a profoundly different type of processing is suggested at a higher age which largely relies on low-level pictorial information due to the inability to process horizontally filtered faces configurally. Specifically, it is suggested that with age, focusing on aging-salient features with configural processing disrupted may function as a critical source of di-agnostic information which can ultimately result in performance similar to younger adults.
Different types of altruistic behavior, namely help-giving, altruistic punishment, and moral courage, are identifiable and distinguishable in the literature, but little is known how they relate to each other. This is significant because understanding altruism and other-regarding behavior is important in the attempt to solve global problems of overpopulation and depletion of natural resources. Understanding the helping forms of altruism (help-giving and sharing) can be helpful, for example, when designing donation collections or recruiting volunteers. Understanding the punitive forms of altruism (moral courage and altruistic punishment) gives valuable insight on individuals participating in campaigns where there is a need to take action, for example, against polluters or governments that violate human rights. The empirical evidence presented in this dissertation demonstrate individual and cultural differences in help-giving, altruistic punishment, and morally courageous behavior. The willingness to engage in the three types of altruistic behaviors relate differently to subjectively preferred thinking style and to personality traits, both in real-life and on the Internet. The divergencies are observable between Eastern (Indian) and Western (German) cultures, where the overlap of oneself and other individuals is experienced in different levels.
Bisherige Forschungsergebnisse zeigen, dass auch Frauen sexuellen Kindesmissbrauch begehen und somit eine potentielle Gefahr für das Kindeswohl darstellen können. Aus Deutschland liegen bisher nur regionale oder Studien mit geringer Stichprobengröße vor. Die vorliegende Studie verfolgt das Ziel, eine umfassende Bestandserhebung des sexuellen Kindesmissbrauchs durch Frauen in Deutschland zu dokumentieren. Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Untersuchung wurden zum ersten Mal bundesweit Strafakten von 465 pädokriminellen Frauen ausgewertet, die in den letzten 30 Jahren nach §§174, 176, 180 oder 182 des StGB verurteilt wurden. Die standardisierte Analyse umfasst 185 Variablen und 54 selbst definierte Skalen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass eine pädokriminelle Frau durchschnittlich 33 Jahre alt ist, zumeist in einer Ehe in einer Kleinstadt lebt und häufig keiner beruflichen Tätigkeit nachgeht. Sie ist eine Mittäterin, handelt überwiegend aus Abhängigkeit zu ihrem männlichen Komplizen heraus, zu dem sie eine intime Beziehung pflegt und missbraucht mehrheitlich weibliche Opfer (Verhältnis fast 2:1). Beinahe die Hälfte der 614 Opfer, zu denen Informationen vorlagen, waren leibliche Kinder der Täterinnen und rund jedes sechste Kind stammte vom männlichen Mittäter.
"Autonomy is the condition under which what one does reflects who one is" (Weinrib, 2019, p.8). This quote encapsulates the core idea of autonomy, namely the correspondence of one’s inner values with one’s actions. This is a beautiful idea. After all, who wants their actions to be determined or controlled from the outside?
The classical definition of autonomy is precisely about this independence from external circumstances, which Murray (1938) primarily coined. Among other things, Murray characterizes autonomy as resistance to influence and defiance of authority. Similarly, Piaget (1983) describes individuals as autonomous, independent of external influences, in their thinking and actions, and foremost, adult authority. Subsequent work criticized this equation of autonomy with separation or independence (Bekker, 1993; Chirkov et al., 2003; Hmel & Pincus, 2002). In lieu thereof, autonomy is defined as an ability (Chirkov, 2011; Rössler, 2017) and as an essential human need (Ryan & Deci, 2006). Focus is now
on self-governing while relying on rationally determined values to pursue a happy life (Chirkov, 2011). According to Social Determination Theory (SDT), autonomy is about a sense of initiative and responsibility for one’s own actions. The experience of interest and appreciation can strengthen autonomy, whereas experiences of external control, e.g., through rewards or punishments, limit autonomy (Ryan & Deci, 2020). In the psychological discourse of autonomy, SDT is strongly represented (Chirkov et al., 2003; Koestner & Losier, 1996; Weinstein et al., 2012). Notably, SDT distinguishes between autonomy and independence as follows. While a person can autonomously ask for help or rely on others, a person can also be involuntarily alone and independent. Interestingly, these definitions are again closer to its etymological meaning as self-governing, originating from Greek αυτòνoμζ (autonomous).
The two strands of autonomy as independence and autonomy as self-determination are also reflected in the vital differentiation into reactive and reflective autonomy by Koestner and Losier (1996). Resisting external influence, particularly interpersonal in fluence, is what reactive autonomy entails. This interpretation is closely related to the classical concept of autonomy as separation and independence from others (Murray, 1938). On the other hand, reflective autonomy concerns intrapersonal processes, such as self-governing or self-regulation, as defined in Self-Determination Theory (Ryan et al., 2021). In this dissertation, we investigated the concept in three different approaches while focusing on its assessment and operationalization: To begin, in Article 1, we compared the layperson’s and the scientific perspective to each other to gain insight into the characteristics of autonomy. Then, in Articles 2 and 3, we experimentally tested behavioral autonomy as resistance to external influences. Simultaneously, we investigated the link between various autonomy trait measures and autonomous behavior. As a result, in Article 2, we looked at how people reacted to the effects of message framing and sender authority on social distancing behavior during the early COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, in Article 3 we investigated the resistance to a descriptive norm in answering factual questions, in the context of autonomous personality. In our first article, we used a semi-qualitative bottom-up approach to gain insights into the laypersons’ perspective on autonomy and compare it to the scientific notion. We followed a design proposed by Kraft-Todd and Rand (2019) on the term heroism. We derived five components from philosophical and psychological literature: dignity, independence from others, morality, self-awareness, and unconventionality. In three preregistered online studies, we compared these scientific components to the laypersons’ understanding of autonomy. In Study 1, participants (N = 222) listed at least three and up to ten examples of autonomous (self-determined) behaviors. Here, the participants named 807 meaningful examples, which we systematically categorized into 34 representative items for Study 2. Next, new participants (N = 114) rated these regarding their autonomy. Finally, we transferred the five highest-rated autonomy and the five lowest-rated autonomy items to Study 3 (N = 175). We asked participants to rate how strongly the items represented dignity, independence from others, morality, self-awareness, and unconventionality. We found all components to distinguish between high and low autonomy items but not for unconventionality. Thus, we conclude that laypersons’ view corresponds with the scientific characteristics of dignity, independence from others, self-awareness, and morality. A qualitative analysis of the examples also showed that both reactive and reflective definitions of autonomy are prevalent.
