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This study explores four German nominalization patterns (-ung; -erei; Ge- -X-e; nominalized infinitives) using corpus and web data. We conclude that they can be considered a word formation paradigm, as some functions depend on paradigmatic oppositions. Our case study supports gradual differences between inflectional and word formation paradigmaticity.
Im Folgenden wird der Begriff "Informationskondensierung" näher erörtert, der Sprachbereich der Wirtschaft im Sinne vertikaler Gliederung klassifiziert und zusammenhängende Arbeitshypothesen vorgestellt. Den letzten Teil bildet eine Analyse der Textstruktur und des Satzbaus auf einzelnen Ebenen hinsichtlich der vertikalen Gliederung des Sprachbereichs der Wirtschaft, wobei ein möglicher Zusammenhang zwischen der Satzstruktur und der Informationskondensierung angenommen wird.
In der Gegenwartssprache wächst die Neigung, Sätze mit scheinbar einfacher Grundform und einer Fülle von nominalen Gliedern zu bilden, mögliche Prädikationen werden durch substantivisch-adjektivische Gruppen repräsentiert. […] Die Komprimierung des Sachverhaltes und dessen syntaktische Darstellung im Text können wir als Informationsverdichtung bezeichnen. […] Die Verdichtung der Informationen macht sich am deutlichsten durch die Reduktion komplexer hypotaktischer Satzkonstruktionen bemerkbar […], wobei im Nominalstil die Parataxe anstelle der Hypotaxe überwiegt.
This paper has the double objective of introducing the reader to a derivational and comparative valency dictionary compiled from 2015 to 2018 at Masaryk University in Brno and of analyzing certain cross‑linguistic contrasts between German and Czech nominal derivation that are apparent from the material covered in the dictionary. The analysis suggests that there are fewer restrictions on forming verbal nominals in Czech than there are on forming nominalized infinitives in German.
The paper presents the possibilities for analyzing deverbal derivatives from verbs ending in -ier(en); in many cases these exist as doublets, with the suffix -ung and/or the suffix -(at)ion. Based on selected examples of these doublets, the paper demonstrates how both monolingual and bilingual dictionaries fail to take sufficient account of the semantic differences between such competing forms. The author also presents research questions connected with this issue, and outlines a methodology for addressing these questions based on metalexicographic and corpus analysis; this methodology is demonstrated using the example of the doublet Diskrimination and Diskriminierung
Tento článek tématicky navazuje na přìspěvek "Nominalizačnì tendence v jazyce ekonomiky" v časopise Studia Germanistica 3, přičemņ podává odpovědi na otázky spjaté s tehdy vznikajìcì disertačnì pracì s názvem "Grammatische Mittel der Informationskondensierung in Wirtschaftstexten". V článku je zmìněna souvislost mezi mìrou abstrakce a jazykovou kondenzacì a také pragmatické faktory, které ovlivņujì jejì výskyt v odborném textu. Ve druhé části jsou souhrnně uvedeny výsledky empirické analýzy v oblasti infinitivnìch konstrukcì. Pozornost je věnována zejména faktorům, které majì vliv na jejich uņitì v textu oproti konkurenčnìm vedlejńìm větám.
In this paper, we deal with the semantic interaction between ung-nominalizations of different event types and temporal prepositions like wiihrend 'during', vor 'before', nach 'after', bis 'until' and seit 'since'. According to the two-level-approach to selnantics (Bierwisch 1983, Bierwisch / Lang 1989), we will argue that the meaning of ten~poral prepositions is determined on the level of semantic form (SF). When combined with an event nominal, the period in time required by the preposition has to be inferred on the level of conceptual structure (CS). Very often, the exact nature of the period in time is determined by pragmatic factors. There are, however, some important restrictions to this inference procedure which rely on the event noun's Aktionsart. In Ehrich/Rapp (2000), it was claimed that eventive ungnominals inherit the Aktionsart of their base verb. This assumption receives strong support by the data presented in this paper.
Recent work on argument selection couched in a lexical decomposition approach (Ehrich & Rapp 2000) postulates different linking properties for verbs and nouns, challenging current views on argument inheritance. In this paper, I show that the different behavior with respect to verbal and nominal linking observed for Present-Day German does not carry over to ung-nominals in Early New High German. Deverbal nouns and corresponding verbs rather behave alike with respect to argument linking. I shall argue that this change is motivated by the growing rift between ung-nominals and their verbal bases both focussing on different parts oftheir lexicosemantic structure in Present-Day German. Evidence for the verb-like behavior of ung-nominals in Early New High German comes from the regular meaning relation between verbs and corresponding derived nouns, the actional properties of event-denoting nouns, and the patterning of ung-nominals with nominalized infinitives. Even their syntactic behavior reflects the verbal character of ung-nominals during that period of the German language. The diachronic facts can be accounted for in a straightforward way once we adopt a lexical decomposition approach to argument selection.