930 Geschichte des Altertums bis ca. 499, Archäologie
Refine
Year of publication
- 2019 (33)
- 2018 (11)
- 2021 (8)
- 2020 (7)
- 2013 (6)
- 2015 (4)
- 2006 (3)
- 2009 (3)
- 2012 (3)
- 2014 (3)
- 2017 (3)
- 2022 (3)
- 2023 (3)
- 1996 (2)
- 2000 (2)
- 2008 (2)
- 2016 (2)
- 1850 (1)
- 1890 (1)
- 1906 (1)
- 1909 (1)
- 1915 (1)
- 1935 (1)
- 1948 (1)
- 1953 (1)
- 1964 (1)
- 1970 (1)
- 1973 (1)
- 1983 (1)
- 1984 (1)
- 1993 (1)
- 2001 (1)
- 2003 (1)
- 2004 (1)
- 2010 (1)
- 2011 (1)
- 2024 (1)
Document Type
- Article (58)
- Part of a Book (37)
- Review (14)
- Book (4)
- Conference Proceeding (3)
- Doctoral Thesis (1)
- Working Paper (1)
Language
- English (118) (remove)
Has Fulltext
- yes (118)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (118)
Keywords
- Archaeology (4)
- Anthropology (2)
- Archaeobotany (2)
- Numismatics (2)
- Vor- und Frühgeschichte (2)
- 3D acquisition (1)
- African plum (1)
- Agent-based modeling (1)
- Akkadian language (1)
- Akkadische Sprache (1)
Institute
Responding to studies on prejudice in the Greco-Roman world, E. Gruen argues that Greeks and Romans had more nuanced and complex opinions about foreigners than often recognized. G. observes that the Greek and Romans could discover or invent links with these other societies through cultural appropriations of the past. These connections, G. contends, show that the Greeks and Romans cannot be ‘blanketed’ with xenophobia, ethnocentrism, and “let alone racism” (p. 3). G. argues that the Greeks and Romans were more interested in drawing connections with the other through cultural appropriation. G. contends that this approach reveals a positive outlook which does not reject or degrade the foreign other.
“Shades” of Postmortem Personal Identity: ψυχή καὶ εἴδωλον in the Dream Passage (Il. 23.103-104)
(2013)
In a recent contribution entitled, “Homer’s Challenge to Philosophical Psychology,” Fred Miller proposes an “aporetic approach” to the Homeric poems. That is to say, a close reading of the epics reveals “serious aporiai,” at least insofar as philosophical consistency is concerned. Homeric readers, ancient and modern alike, have found irreconcilably-different answers to our perennial questions about humanity and divinity, fate and free will. To his credit, Miller rightly relieves Homer of an undue burden – viz., that of addressing the philosophical problems of later generations. “The analysis of concepts and the resolution of aporiai”: these are, as Miller notes, definitively not the priorities of an epic bard. Instead, such poets, working freely within the parameters of their oral traditions, understandably use language in ways not strictly-philosophical. Ultimately, Miller wants to argue that the ambiguities of Homer’s poetic language hastened Greece’s philosophical awakening...
It has become increasingly apparent over the last decades that cooking pottery played a considerable role as a trade commodity in ancient times, yet relatively little research has yet been done on this topic for its own sake. By taking a closer look at the cooking pottery found in Priene, a small city in southern Ionia re-founded in the middle of the 4th century BCE, we want to trace some of the broader developments within the cooking wares that were used over a period of roughly 300 years. The aim is not only to outline the general shapes that were in use over this period of time, but also to register if and how these shapes correlate with the different fabrics observed in Priene so far.
Buff, red, grey – these are common descriptions of pottery in archaeology. Colour is usually part of the recording of ceramic data, but these data are rarely used for more than the most general characterisation of pottery. Despite hesitations concerning the subjective nature of these observations and other factors involved in colour notation, is has been shown that the data can lead the way to broader interpretations, and careful recording with a standardised system such as the Munsell colour charts may reduce the effects of personal perception. A sample of colour notations of pottery from Tell Mozan, Syria, is presented here as an example of the possibilities; it is hoped that this study will provide comparative data for other sites in the region.
"Shades" of postmortem personal identity : ψυχή καὶ εἴδωλον in the dream passage (Il. 23.103-104)
(2013)
The paper focuses on the problems of a juridical classification and evaluation of Ancient Near Eastern treaties with regard to the question if there existed an Ancient Near Eastern International Law or not. Alternatively treaties and their content are looked at uncommitted as mechanisms of conflict and dispute resolution. Main aspects are preliminary and prophylactic conflict resolution in treaties and the procedural context and efficiency of treaties.
The goals of this exercise are essentially threefold: (1) to rescrutinize, archaeologically, epigraphically and linguistically, the pre-Roman inscriptions of the justly famous Negau A and B helmets, (2) to identify "eastward graphemic drift" in preRoman northern Italy and (3) to reconsider and perhaps identify the origin of the Germanic runes in light of (1) and (2). While moving toward these goals, we cite but a sampling of the burgeoning literature, some of which may not be generally known or easily accessible, in these rapidly expanding venues; see Ellis (1998) for a recent overview in English.
Several types of symbolic weapons are portrayed in the hands of divinities on the most diverse artistic works of the third millennium, such as maces or sceptres, daggers, spears. hows and arrows. There is also a weapon which has a form similar to a sickle. Data referring to it may be found - in addition to the representations - in written sources. We learn from the Cy1. «A» of Gudea that the king, the en-priest of Ningirsu, was the first to reach the cedar mountains and fell the cedars with his big axe. He then made the SAR.UR, the «Floodstorm Weapon» of his god, the right hand of Lagas. The inscription of statue «B» tells us the Same. When Gudea built the temple of Ningirsu, the god aided him in reaching the cedar mountains from which he took gigantic logs to make a weapon for his god: the SAR.UR, having the power ofa flood storm and the SAR.GAZ, a mace with seven copper knobs.
This study is part of a larger work whose aim is to examine the historical significance of the tens of thousands of Islamic silver coins or dirhams which appeared in Eastern Europe during the pre-Mongol era. The first part of this work explored the questions of when and how dirhams first reached European Russia. Very briefly, this initial study led to the following conclusions: 1. Dirhams first reached Eastern Europe about 800 A.D., as R. Fasmer (Vasmer) argued a half-century ago. 2. The earliest dirham hoards from Eastern Europe are almost identical in composition with contemporaneous Near Eastern hoards (both contain a predominance of 'Abbasid coins struck after 769 in Iraq and North Africa). This suggests that the earliest Eastern-European hoards were composed from the Near-Eastern coin stock of the time. 3. The earliest dirham hoards from Eastern Europe are completely different in composition from the contemporaneous hoards found in Transoxiana indicating that the earliest dirhams to reach Eastern Europe did not come via Central Asia. 4. An analysis of the early Caucasian dirham hoards revealed that the composition of some of these hoards differs from that of Eastern-European and Near-Eastern hoards in that the Caucasian hoards contain a higher percentage of dirhams from South-Caucasian mints and a lesser percentage of coins from North-African mints. This suggests that these hoards were composed of dirhams imported from the Near East which had circulated in the Southern Caucasus for some time before being deposited. 5. Other early dirham hoards from the Caucasus, however, are very similar in composition to contemporaneous Near-Eastern and Eastern-European dirham hoards. This suggests that these hoards were composed of coins which were apparently being transported to Eastern Europe from the Near East and were buried accidentally while in route through the Caucasus. In short, the first segment of this research concluded that dirhams began to reach Eastern Europe around the year 800 and that they were imported by the Caucasus or Caspian route from the Near East. The purpose of this study is to investigate the historical circumstances which would explain why dirhams were first brought by the Caucasus or Caspian route to Eastern Europe in the early ninth century. It is pertinent to note that, to the best of my knowledge"no one has yet addressed this fundamental question in any depth. Consequently, in discussing this issue, it is not our intention to claim that the thesis which will be put forward is irrefutable or that no other thesis could explain the available data. Rather, the objective is to raise the question of why dirhams first reached Eastern Europe around 800 A.D. by the Caucasus-Caspian route and to suggest a possible solution. This study should thus be considered as the presentation of a working hypothesis which will hopefully inspire others to examine a basic question of medieval Eurasian history which has been too long ignored.
Rezension zu: Raimon Graells i Fabregat (Coord.), El valor social i comercial de la vaixella metàllica al Mediterrani centre-occidental durant la protohitòria in: Revista d’Arqueologia de Ponent 16-17, 2006-2007, 257-340 <81 pages, 65 illustrations. Edited by Secció d’Arqueologia, Prehistoria i Història Antiga, Departament d’Història, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat de Lleida. ISSN: 1131-883-X>
Evidence from archaeological fish bone assemblages from the southern North Sea region of Europe is used to illuminate fishing, fish consumption and fish trade from the 1st to the 16th century AD. The fish species represented in the material indicate a very strong influence from the local fish fauna at almost all sites. The species and size of the fish indicate that several fishing methods have been employed throughout the period studied, including nets, hooks and weirs. A chronological development in fishing, for example, a tendency towards more sea-going fishing, is reflected in the fish bone assemblages in some countlres. Evidence from fishing in the Baltic region from the 5th century BC to the 16th century AD is included in the discussion. Indications of fish trade include bones of exotic species (for instance, matinc species at inland sites) and an unbalanced representation of skeletal clements (trade with decapitated stockfish or gillless hering). Of particular interest are assemblages which indicate a fish industry, for instance, large-scale processing (removal of gills) of herring in 13th century Denmark.