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In this article, we hypothesize, and then demonstrate, that experiences of embarrassment have significantly increased in the United States, due in part, to the current situation in American politics under President Donald Trump. We provide support for our hypothesis by conducting both qualitative and quantitative analyses of Twitter posts in the U.S. obtained from the Crimson Hexagon database. Next, based on literature from social psychology, social neuroscience, and political theory, we propose a two-step process explaining why Trump's behavior has caused people in the U.S. to feel more embarrassment. First, compared to former representatives, Trump violates social norms in a manner that seems intentional, and second, these intentional norm violations specifically threaten the social integrity of in-group members—in this case, U.S. citizens. We discuss how these norm violations relate to the behavior of currently represented citizens and contextualize our rationale in recent changes of political representation and the public sphere. We conclude by proposing that more frequent, nation-wide experiences of embarrassment on behalf of the representative may motivate political actions to prevent further harm to individuals' self-concepts and protect social integrity.
The dissertation studied reused Roman coins (AD 100 – 400) that were found in medieval cemeteries (AD 400 – 1400) in the territory of Serbia. The evaluation process was traced through three different periods and cultural contexts: (1) in the period of Roman domination in the central Balkans (AD 1 – 400), i.e. the “primary context” of their use and circulation; (2) in the time of transition from the late antiquity to early medieval period (AD 400 – 700); and (3) in the high and late Middle Ages (AD 900 – 1400), where the last two were considered to be a “secondary context” in which the Roman coins were no longer a valid currency.
It was observed that the reused Roman coins, as a distinctive category of archaeological finds, impose a necessity for reconsideration of the relationship between the disciplines of archaeology and numismatics; encouraging a greater cooperation and discussion between the two. Considering the use and evaluation of Roman coins in their “primary context”, it is possible to presume that the strength of the political Roman system was the crucial factor in the formation and maintaining the stability of the value of Roman coins. The act of reuse should not be automatically equalized with recycling; implying only to use value, but at the same time it was not possible to assume that the value was formed only on a purely symbolical level. The (re)use of Roman coins in the funeral practices from c. AD 400 to 700 was considered to be a part of wider and occasional practice of incorporating older Roman issues in the coin pool by the “barbarian” or Byzantine authorities. It could be then concluded that the value of Roman coins was understood more as a potential attribute than as a fixed category; enabling one to simultaneously “overvalue “ and “undervalue” these objects. In the period from c. AD 900 to 1400, the reuse of Roman coins was detected only within the cemeteries of the peasantry and in a context of gradual increase of general coin use in the central Balkan communities of the Middle Ages. This was understood as an indicator that the Roman coins were not perceived as particularly valuable per se, but since the were recognized as category of objects that became more important in defining social relationships they were then incorporated in the funeral rituals and reinterpreted by the medieval population.
CGC aktuell 02/2019
(2019)
Critique, and especially radical critique of reason, is under pressure from two opponents. Whereas the proponents of "post-critical" or "acritical" thinking denounce critique as an empty and self-righteous repetition of debunking, the decriers of "post-truth" accuse critique of having helped to bring about our current "post-truth" politics. Both advocate realism as a limit critique must respect, but Vogelmann defends the claim that we urgently need radical critiques of reason because they offer a more precise diagnosis of the untruths in politics the two opponents of critique are rightfully worried about. Radical critiques of reason are possible, he argues, if we turn our attention to the practices of criticizing, if we refrain from a sovereign epistemology, and if we pluralize reason without trivializing it. In order to demonstrate the diagnostic advantage of radical critiques of reason, he briefly analyzes the political and epistemic strategy at work in two exemplary untruths in politics.
Critique, and especially radical critique of reason, is under pressure from two opponents. Whereas the proponents of "post-critical" or "acritical" thinking denounce critique as an empty and self-righteous repetition of debunking, the decriers of "post-truth" accuse critique of having helped to bring about our current "post-truth" politics. Both advocate realism as a limit critique must respect, but I will defend the claim that we urgently need radical critiques of reason because they offer a more precise diagnosis of the untruths in politics the two opponents of critique are rightfully worried about. Radical critiques of reason are possible, I argue, if we turn our attention to the practices of criticizing, if we refrain from a sovereign epistemology, and if we pluralize reason without trivializing it. In order to demonstrate the diagnostic advantage of radical critiques of reason, I briefly analyze the political and epistemic strategy at work in two exemplary untruths in politics.