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Rezension zu Helwig Schmidt-Glintzer: Geschichte der chinesischen Literatur. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart. München (Beck) 1999. 686 Seiten.
Bei Helwig Schmidt-Glintzers 'Geschichte der chinesischen Literatur' handelt es sich um die zweite unveränderte Auflage eines bereits 1990 im Scherz-Verlag erschienenen Bandes, der schon damals überwiegend positiv aufgenommen wurde. Wie der Untertitel andeutet, versucht Schmidt-Glintzer, die Gesamtheit der chinesischen Literatur von etwa 1400 v. Chr. bis heute darzustellen.
Der vorliegende Artikel beschäftigt sich mit dem im Westen noch weitgehend unbekannten Genre des chinesischen Kriminalromans "gongàn xiaoshuo", sowie dessen produktiver Rezeption durch den niederländischen Diplomaten und Schriftsteller Robert H. van Gulik (*09.08.1910, †24.09.1967). Als Verständnisgrundlage sollen dabei zunächst einige grundsätzliche Ausführungen und Erläuterungen zu besagtem Genre getätigt werden. Danach wird sich der Text van Guliks "Richter Di" zuwenden, jener Romanreihe, der der Sinologe seine bis heute anhaltende Bekanntheit, auch über wissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus, verdankt. Um den Rahmen dieser Aufsatzes nicht zu sprengen, soll sich jedoch vorwiegend auf die durch van Gulik angefertigte und veröffentlichte Übersetzung des ursprünglichen chinesischen Originals, 'Wǔ Zétian sì dà qí àn' ( 武則天四大奇案 , "Vier außerordentlich seltsame Fälle in der Regierungszeit der Kaiserin Wu") (auch: 'Dee Goong An' ( 狄公案, "Richter Dis Fälle")), sowie den dritten Roman der Reihe, 'Geisterspuk in Peng-lai', konzentriert werden, da in diesem der Beginn der Karriere Richter Dis beschrieben wird. Auf diese Weise kann sowohl die besondere Form des chinesischen Kriminalromans - die van Gulik in seinen übrigen "Richter Di"- Romanen übernimmt -, wie auch das tradierte China-Bild und die Anklänge konfuzianischer Philosophie in angemessenem Umfang bearbeitet werden. Die in den Romanen dargestellten Formen des Alltagslebens, die Regierungsstrukturen, die politischen Verschwörungen und die Angriffe von außen, sind historisch korrekt beschrieben und gewähren somit einen faszinierenden Einblick in die Welt des historischen Chinas.
This paper discusses word classes in Tagalog, the dominant language of the Philippines, using analyses developed by Himmelmann (2007) and LaPolla (2008). The goal is to clarify issues related to the identification of word classes in Tagalog, and show the distinct features of these word classes. Through the discussion of word classes in Tagalog, the authors also hope to shed some light on the issue of word classes in Chinese.
This paper discusses the typology of focus structure types (variation of information structuring in the clause) and how information structure can be used to explain all of the word order patterns in Chinese without reference to grammatical relations.
This paper argues that long-standing problems in the analysis of Chinese, such as the question of word classes and grammatical relations, can be resolved, or actually done away with completely, if we take a constructionist approach in the analysis. This means the constructions are taken as basic, so we only need to look at the propositional functions of elements in the construction (referential, modifying, or predicative), and do not need to posit global categories such as word classes and grammatical relations.
In LaPolla 1990, I presented arguments to show that Chinese is a language in which there has been no grammaticalizalion of the syntactic relations "subject" and "object". This being the case, then syntactic relations cannot be what determines word order in Chinese. In this paper I will argue that, aside from a semantic rule that the actor of a verb, if expressed, must precede that verb, it is pragmatic relations (information structure) that are the main determinants of word order in Chinese.
This paper discusses an attempt to write a computer program that would properly model the phonological development of Chinese from Middle Chinese to Modern Peking Mandarin, using the rules in Chen 1976. Several problems are encountered, the most significant being that the rules cannot apply in the same order for all lexical items. The significance of this in terms of the implementation of sound change is briefly discussed.
The bulk of this dissertation is an analysis of grammatical relations (including syntactic, pragmatic, and semantic relations) in Modern Mandarin Chinese. In Chapter I the background, functional framework, and concepts used in the dissertation are introduced. In Chapter II it is shown that Chinese has not grammaticalized the syntactic functions 'subject' and 'object', and has no syntactic function-changing passive construction. In Chapter III the nature of word order and its relationship to information structure in Chinese is examined. It is argued that word order in Chinese does not mark 'definite' and 'indefinite' NPs, as is commonly assumed, but marks information structure. A number of marked focus structure constructions are also discussed. In Chapter IV the discussion is of the structure of Chinese discourse, developed from an analysis of the nature of discourse referent tracking. It is shown that recovery of anaphora is not based on syntactic functions, but is based on real world knowledge (semantics and pragmatics) and discourse structure. Chapter V gives the conclusions, followed by a discussion of some of the diachronic considerations that arose in the course of this investigation. It is suggested that within Sino-Tibetan, Chinese should be seen as an innovator in terms of word order, and that grammatical relations in Proto-Sino-Tibetan should be seen to be pragmatically based rather than syntactically based.
This paper is the second in a series arguing for a discourse·based analysis of grammatical relations in Chinese in which there is a direct mapping between semantic role and grammatical function, and there are no relation-changing lexical rules such as passivization that can change that mapping. The correct assignment of semantic roles to the constituents of a discourse is done by the listener purely on the basis of the discourse structure and pragmatics (real world knowledge). Though grammatical analyses of certain constructions can be done on the sentence level, the sentence is generally not the central unit for understanding anaphora and grammatical relations in Chinese. Two related arguments are presented here: the question of 'subject' and the structure of discourse developed from an analysis of the nature of discourse referent tracking.
Current analyses of specificity are unable to provide an explanatory account for why specific and nonspecific uses of indefinites are available. While Abusch (1994), Reinhart (1997), and Kratzer (1998) provide successful mechanisms for deriving specific readings, they do not provide a fundamental explanation for the availability of this mechanism. This is due to the fact that specific indefinites are treated as involving an interpretive component or procedure unique to themselves: storage (Abusch) or choice function (Reinhart and Kratzer), for example. It would be preferable if specific indefinites could be understood as deriving from the use of independently motivated meaning components and interpretive mechanisms.
Here I will pursue the idea, building on Portner & Yabushita (1998), that specificity has to do with the indefinite's interaction with a topical domain (note similarities with the proposals of Enç 1991, Cresti 1995, and Schwarzschild 2000). In this conception, specificity is a matter of degree: the narrower the topical domain, the more specific the indefinite. More precisely, sentences containing specific indefinites will be understood as involving ordinary existential quantification in combination with a topical domain function.