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The past thirty years have seen dramatic changes to the character of state membership regimes in which practices of easing access to membership for resident non-citizens, extending the franchise to expatriate citizens as well as, albeit in typically more limited ways, to resident non-citizens and an increasing toleration of dual nationality have become widespread. These processes of democratic inclusion, while variously motivated, represent an important trend in the contemporary political order in which we can discern two distinct shifts. The first concerns membership as a status and is characterised in terms of the movement from a simple distinction between single-nationality citizens and single-nationality aliens to a more complex structure of state membership in which we also find dual nationals and denizens (Baubock, 2007a:2395-6). The second shift relates to voting rights and is marked by the movement from the requirement that voting rights are grounded in both citizenship and residence to the relaxing of the joint character of this requirement such that citizenship or residence now increasingly serve as a basis for, at least partial, enfranchisement. In the light of these transformations, it is unsurprising that normative engagement with transnational citizenship – conceived in terms of the enjoyment of membership statuses in two (or more) states – has focused on the issues of access to, and maintenance of, national citizenship, on the one hand, and entitlement to voting rights, on the other hand.
Elections provide a tremendous opportunity for national transformation and the pursuit of democratic practice. They can be a moment of national renewal. However, in most of Africa elections are often characterized by violent conflict as politicians seek to capture or maintain power through ethnic mobilization, propaganda and misrepresentation. Considering opportunities offered by information technology especially mobile phones and the discovery of extensive natural resources, Africa has an opportunity to significantly change the lives of ordinary citizens. But this transformation requires that youth are fully 'present' in the political, economic, social and cultural arenas. They will need to marshal their energies and stay focused on the things that are important for the continent of Africa. In the case of Kenya, youth should not wait to be invited to take up political leadership. Instead, they will need to invite themselves to the table and take advantage of the opportunity provided in Constitution and demand accountability and transparency in the conduct of national affairs. This book is part of ongoing work at Twaweza Communications in the pursuit of democracy, peace and justice. Themes covered include youth and leadership; elections and peace; youth as peace makers; family and global values among other topics.