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"Mir ist so digk vor gesait" : Studien zur erzählerischen Gestaltung des "Meleranz" von dem Pleier
(2024)
In der germanistischen Mediävistik richtet sich das Forschungsinteresse vornehmlich auf die höfische Literatur und dabei insbesondere auf die frühen und späten Artusromane. Vor allem die Werke von Hartmann von Aue und Wolfram von Eschenbach sind zentrale Forschungsobjekte, während Texte wie Pleiers ‚Meleranz‘ bisher nur begrenzt Beachtung fanden.
Die Forschungslücke, die die vorliegende Arbeit adressiert, liegt in der detaillierten Analyse der spezifischen Erzähltechniken des pleierschen Textes, die sich sowohl durch die Verwendung traditioneller arthurischer Motive als auch durch innovative narrative Ansätze auszeichnen. Ausgehend von dem Befund eines stark zurückgenommenen Erzählers wird untersucht, welche narrativen Strategien und Verfahren der Pleier im ‚Meleranz‘ anwendet, um trotz dieser Abkehr von der implizierten poetischen Regelhaftigkeit einer dominanten Erzählerfigur das Erzählen vom Ritter ‚Meleranz‘ gelingen und zugleich an einigen Stellen ausgesprochen konventionell wirken zu lassen.
Um aufzudecken, wie der Text ohne die Stimme eines deutlich hervortretenden Erzählers vermittelt wird, nutze ich im Verlauf der Arbeit eine Typologie der Stoffvermittlung durch (arthurische) Erzähler. In den Einzelstudien zum ‚Meleranz‘ werden seine Motive, Erzählmuster und Figurenkonstellationen in einem close reading erarbeitet und mit der Typologie abgeglichen, um bestimmen zu können, welche Vermittlungsformen im pleierschen Text genutzt werden. Mit Hilfe dieses Vergleichs kann das Erzählverfahren im ‚Meleranz‘ extrapoliert und gleichzeitig offengelegt werden. Mittels dieses Vorgehens wird verdeutlicht werden, dass es sich beim ‚Meleranz‘ um einen Text handelt, der arthurische Konventionen lediglich anders inszeniert, um die vermittelnde Funktion der Stimme des Erzählers zu substituieren oder ihr Fehler auszugleichen.
This dissertation investigates a special class of anaphoric form, yè, in Ewe known as the logophoric pronoun. This research makes a number of novel observations.
In the first chapter, I introduce the reader to the phenomenon under investigation as well as provide information on Ewe and its dialects and, methodology. In Chapter 2, I present the pronominal system of Ewe which is categorised into strong and weak forms following Cardinaletti & Starke (1994) and Agbedor (1996). The distribution of pronouns is outlined which sets the tone for an overview of logophoric marking. In this respect, I present variations in logophoric marking strategies cross linguistically and show that Ewe differs significantly from other pronouns in this category. In an effort to explain the deviant case of yè, I entertain the idea that yè is a pure logophoric pronoun in the sense of Clements (1975) and thus, its additional de re and strict interpretation does not imply non-logophoricity.
Chapter 3 demonstrates that yè is sensitive to contexts which portray the intention of an individual. Following Sells (1987), the antecedent of yè must have an intention to communicate. I broadly categorize logophoric contexts into reportative (direct-indirect speech) or non-reportative (speaker’s mental attitude, reporter’s observation or background knowledge of a situation). Based on this categorization, indirect speech report (Clements 1975), dis- course units such as a paragraph or an episode (Clements 1975), and sentential adjuncts such as purpose, causal and consequence clauses (Culy 1994a) are reviewed. The logophoric pro- noun occurs in the complement of attitude verbs (Clements 1975), also termed logocentric (à la (Stirling 1994)) or logophoric predicates (à la (Culy 1994a)) as well as with non-attitudinal verbs (e.g. va ‘come’ or wO ‘do’ as in sentential adjuncts). I argue contra Clements (1975) and Culy (1994a) that yè can occur with perception predicates. I further provide three new instances of non-reportative contexts which are compatible with yè namely, as-if clauses, benefactive na clauses and alesi ‘how’ clauses. I show, corroborating previous studies that contexts which are necessary for the licensing of yè include all of the aforementioned except causal clauses. Among these contexts, the complementizer be or regarding cases where there is no be, an element in C (due to the Doubly-Filled-Comp Filter (DFCF) c.f. Chomsky & Lasnik (1977)), is sufficient to license yè. Following Bimpeh & Sode (2021), yè is licensed by feature checking (in the spirit of von Stechow (2004)): be bears the interpretatble [log] feature which checks the uninterpretable [log] feature of yè. I include a redefinition of logophoricity as pertaining to Ewe.
Given the disparity found in the literature concerning the interpretation of yè: Ewedome (pronounce EVedome) has only de se readings (Bimpeh 2019); while ‘pure’ Ewe, Mina (variety of Ewe spoken in Togo) Pearson (2015), Danyi (O’Neill 2015) and Anlo (pronounced ANlO) (Satık 2019) has de re readings; chapter 4 aims at lending empirical support to the ungoing discussion by verifying the interpretation of yè. Two acceptability judgment tasks were conducted namely, truth value judgment task and binary forced choice task. The results corroborates Pearson (2012, 2015) and others’ discovery that yè has a de re interpretation in the Ewedome (contra Bimpeh (2019); Bimpeh et al. (2022)), Anlo and Tonu (pronounced TONu) dialects of Ewe.
In chapter 5, I discuss the relation between logophoricity (yè, yè a) and Control (PRO). I show that yè may be restricted to a set of verbs which obligatorily require the morpheme a ‘potential marker’ (Essegbey 2008), in subject position. This set of verbs are those that are known as control verbs c.f. (Landau 1999) in English. As a result of this restriction, research such as Satık (2019) claims that yè a is the overt instantiation of PRO in English. According to the Ewe facts, it appears as though on one hand, yè and PRO share similar properties in logophoric contexts and on the other hand, yè in combination with the potential marker, a also share properties with PRO in subject control environments. Against this background, I discuss the relation between yè, yè a and PRO and show that neither yè in isolation nor yè in combination with a, contrary to Satık (2019), is the overt instantiation of PRO. I clarify that the potential morpheme a is not cliticised or combined with the logophoric yè. The two forms are seperate morphemes. The potential marker a only shows up in control environments because a sub-class of verbs require it for grammaticality purposes. As such, the property of de se-ness does not come from yè by itself, yè a or a but rather from the sub-class of verbs which require the potential marker a...
Restructuration des répertoires langagiers de migrant·e·s de la République du Congo en Lorraine
(2023)
Cette thèse étudie la complexité du plurilinguisme des migrant·e·s d’origine de la République du Congo en Lorraine à travers le prisme de la restructuration des répertoires langagiers. En affûtant la conceptualisation de la restructuration des répertoires langagiers par l’étude du plurilinguisme des migrant·e·s d’origine congolaise, cette recherche ouvre de nouvelles perspectives pour les recherches portant sur le plurilinguisme, notamment concernant les mobilités transgénérationnelles et la diversité des processus de restructuration façonnant les répertoires langagiers. En se focalisant sur les biographies langagières et migratoires de 15 individus migrants, sur leurs réseaux sociaux et sur leurs ressources langagières, cette étude révèle la diversité des processus et des facteurs au cœur des restructurations des répertoires langagiers à travers une étude ethnographique multi-située en Lorraine et au Congo. La compréhension de la diversité des dynamiques restructurant les connaissances langagières des enquêté·e·s passe par l’étude des situations de socialisation langagière au Congo dans leur historicité, des itinéraires de migration et des restructurations des réseaux sociaux ainsi que des répertoires langagiers dans l’installation en Lorraine. Les participations à la société lorraine et ses groupes sociaux imprègnent les identifications, les orientations sociales et les positionnements dans les réseaux sociaux et vice-versa.
Les répertoires langagiers apparaissent comme des enregistrements de la mobilité des individus et de celle des générations antérieures ainsi que de leur entourage. Les restructurations concernent entre autres les ressources associées au français, aux langues congolaises et à d’autres langues appropriées par la migration. Les ressources du français sont restructurées par les migrant·e·s en s’appropriant les ressources courantes dans différentes situations sociales en Lorraine, en marquant et/ou en dissimulant les ressources appropriées ailleurs et inappropriées dans ces situations. En même temps, un savoir de différenciation des ressources, dont font aussi partie les schémas de catégorisation et les stratégies communicatives, est développé et une (in)sécurité langagière se manifeste. Les ressources associées aux langues congolaises, leurs fonctions sociales et leurs représentations sont restructurées dans des processus d’attrition, d’actualisation, de transformation et d’élaboration langagière. Les ressources associées à d’autres langues européennes appropriées par la migration sont reléguées au second plan et se perdent lentement par manque d’usage. Enfin, les connaissances liées à la gestion du plurilinguisme, de la diversité culturelle et de l’altérité, appropriées dans les mêmes situations de diversité, aident au traitement interne des expériences des mobilités spatiales et sociales ainsi que des restructurations des répertoires langagiers.
In narratology, a widely recognized method involves exploring the connection between implied authors and implied readers. It entails correlating abstract narrative components within a text to understand the conveyed message and the multitude of interpretations it can offer. The present study adopts an implied reader-oriented approach to analyze three selected novels from the twentieth and twenty-first centuries—one Nigerian, one Caribbean, and one Kurdish. The aim is to explore the potential readings within these texts, considering the hermeneutic process of critical reading. The selected texts include Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, (1958), Same Selvon’s The Lonely Londoners, (1956), and Karwan Kakesur’s The Channels of the Armed Monkeys, (2011). This approach closely examines the communication between the author and reader of the text, with a special focus on the varying levels of communication between the components of the narration, including fictional and implied fictional communication.
The implied fictional communication occurs between a narrative agent known as ‘the implied author’ and its fictional counterpart ‘the implied reader’ rather than between the real, flesh and blood authors and readers. I argue that this level of communication is coded, and the act of decoding it is part of the reading process performed by the reader. Certain texts can propose different and sometimes opposing readings which are initially and purposefully designed by the implied author and addressed to different implied readers. These readings are not necessarily the results of different real readers but rather incorporated ones predetermined by the implied author only to be acknowledged and uncovered by the readers. In other words, the latent meaning is and always was an integral part of the text and is not something created by the imaginative reader or critic. The core interest of my thesis lies in identifying prompts and suggestions within the narrative of the selected texts and ultimately understanding the readerships prestructured in them. Identifying the different readers within those texts will provide new reinterpretations that can add undetected values to the reading process and sometimes suggests opposing readings to how those texts have so far been read. Additionally, it is the objective of this thesis to propose new ways that readers can interact with reading literature that would result in a more aesthetic and entertaining reading experience besides providing ways to be more informed and aware of the cues certain narrative texts contain.
There have been numerous critical studies on both narratology and postcolonial or minority literatures; however, there has been little scholarly work that attempts to utilize narratology as a theoretical foundation for understanding postcolonial and minority fiction.
This study examines fictional texts from Nigerian, Caribbean, and Kurdish literature, employing the narratological concept known as ‘Multiple Implied Readers’. By incorporating concepts from Brian Richardson’s ‘Singular Text, Multiple Implied Readers’, and Peter J. Rabinowitz’s ‘authorial audiences’, I explore the various readerships that the texts could encompass. This exploitation may lead to the discovery of new readings, interpretations, and meanings that would otherwise remain undetected. These structures introduce provocative indeterminacies that challenge the reader’s synthesis of information into coherent configurations of meaning. Consequently, this approach not only enhances the reading experience but also opens doors to new interpretations of the text. In some cases, these interpretations could even dismantle prior understandings and propose entirely new readings.
The concepts of the implied author and implied reader have been studied before in relation to various disciplines of narratology. However, by applying them in conjunction with the relatively less researched subject of multiple implied readers, I aim to shed light on important aspects of these readings. This exploration could prove beneficial for literature students as well as critical readers of literary texts, revealing the potential of these texts to accommodate more than one implied reader within their narratives.
This dissertation is about case competition in headless relatives. Case competition is a situation in which two cases are assigned but only one of them surfaces. One of the constructions in which case competition takes place is in headless relatives, i.e. relative clauses that lack a head. This dissertation has two goals: (i) to give an overview of the data, and (ii) to provide an account for the observed data.
The grammaticality of a headless relative is determined by two aspects. The first aspect concerns which case wins the case competition. In all languages with case competition that I am aware of, this is determined by the case scale in NOM < ACC < DAT. A case more to the right on the scale wins over a case more to the left on the scale. This scale is not specific to case competition in headless relatives, but it can also be observed in syncretism patterns and morphological case containment. I show that that the case scale can be derived from assuming the cumulative case decomposition (cf. Caha 2009). A case wins over another case when it contains all features that the other case contains.
The second aspect of case competition in headless relatives concerns whether the winner of the case competition is allowed to surface when it wins the case competition. The winning case can be either the internal case required by the predicate in the relative clause, or the external case required by the predicate in the main clause. It differs from language to language whether they allow the internal and the external case to surface.
All language types I discuss allow for a headless relative when the internal and the external case match. The unrestricted type of language allows both the internal case and the external case to surface when either of them wins the case competition. Examples of this language type are Old High German, Gothic and Ancient Greek. The internal-only type of language allows only the internal case to surface when it wins the case competition, and it does not allow the external case to do so. An example of this language type is Modern German. The external-only type of language allows only the external case to surface when it wins the case competition, and it does not allow the internal case to do so. To my knowledge, there is no language that behaves like this. The matching type of language allows neither the internal nor the external case to surface when either of them wins the case competition. An example of this language type is Polish.
To account for the data, I set up a proposal that generates the attested patterns and excludes the non-attested ones. I let the variation between languages follow from properties of languages that can be independently observed. By investigating the morphology of the languages, I suggest differences between the lexical entries in the different languages. These different lexical entries ultimately lead languages to be of different types. In my proposal, I assume that headless relatives are derived from light-headed relatives. Light-headed relatives contain a light head and a relative pronoun. In a headless relative either the light head or the relative pronoun is deleted. The necessary requirement for deletion is that the deleted element (either the light head or relative pronoun) is structurally or formally contained in the other element.
I motivate the analysis for the internal-only type of language for Modern German, for the matching type of language for Polish and for the unrestricted type of language for Old High German. I first identify the morphemes that the light heads and relative pronouns in the languages consist of, and then I show to which features each of the morphemes correspond. The crucial difference between the internal-only type of language Modern German and the matching type of language Polish is how the phi and case features are spelled out. In Modern German they are spelled out by a phi and case feature portmanteau, and, in Polish, the same features are spelled out by a phi feature morpheme and a case feature morpheme. Old High German differs from the other two languages in that it has light heads and relative pronouns that are syncretic. I show how these differences in the morphology of the languages ultimately leads to different grammaticality patterns in headless relatives.
Comparing my account to others shows that all proposals account for the case facts using some kind of case hierarchy. The proposals differ in how they model the variation, both in the technical details of the proposal, but more importantly, also in empirical scope and predictions they make.
This work is about resumptive and non-resumptive relative clauses (RCs) in the three big Ibero-Romance languages: Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan. In (1), the examined structures are exemplified for Spanish: (1a.) No conozco el hombre que viste _ ayer. “I don’t know the man that you saw yesterday.” (1b.) Es este el hombre que le enviaron el libro. “This is the man to whom they sent the book.” (1c.) Es este el hombre a quien le enviaron el libro. “This is the man to whom they sent the book.”
(1a.) displays a non-resumptive, or canonical, RC, which is characterized by the canonical use of a relativizing operator and a gap in the subordinate’s object position, a piece of evidence which has induced most of the generative literature to assume wh-movement of the relative operator in the sense of Chomsky (1977). The last two decades, however, have seen a big debate regarding the exact derivational analysis, starting with Kayne’s (1994) antisymmetry theory and the following focus on reconstruction and anti-reconstruction effects in RCs. This search for the correct starting site of the RC’s head noun has dismissed the original Head External Analysis (HEA) (Chomsky 1965, 1977) and led to the development of a Head Raising Analysis (RA) (Kayne 1994, Bianchi 1999, a.o.) and a Matching Analysis (MA) (Munn 1994, Sauerland 1998, a.o.). The discussion in this work argues that the data on reconstruction and anti-reconstruction effects are not sufficiently clear and reliable in order to adopt one of the head-internal analyses, i.e. a HEA or a MA. Instead, the work follows a variant of the HEA proposed for Portuguese by Rinke & Aßmann (2017), which adheres to standard assumptions about Romance syntax, and avoids the empirical problems that the other proposals have to face. Arguing that the HEA holds for all Ibero-Romance languages, this work also takes a stance in the debate around the categorical status of the relativizing element que and argues that it is always a D-element, and never of category C, i.e. there is no such thing as a relativizing complementizer (cf. also Kayne 2010, Kato & Nunes 2008, Poletto & Sanfelici 2018).
The work argues that wh-movement in a HEA fashion is the correct analysis also for resumptive relative clauses as in (1b., c.), which crucially lack a gap in argument position but show a resumptive pronominal element instead. Furthermore, it takes advantage of the fact that the choice of such genetically closely related languages like Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan enables research to address the phenomenon under consideration from a microcomparative perspective, which is “the closest we can come … to a controlled experiment in comparative syntax” (Kayne 2005: 281-282). The descriptive literature suggests that, at least for Spanish and Catalan, there are two types of a resumptive RC structure available: a simple resumption as in (1b.), including mere que, and a complex resumption structure which displays a more complex relativizer like a quien in combination with a resumptive pronoun (1c.). However, a corpus study carried out for this work reveals that speakers of the three languages behave alike insofar as the only resumptive RC used in spontaneous speech is a simple-resumption structure, while complex resumption never occurs. Additionally, a multivariate analysis shows that in all three languages, grammatical case is the most important factor when it comes to the possibility of a resumptive structure in RCs: with a dative argument, simple resumption is obligatory, while for accusative and nominative arguments, resumption is optional. The discussion concludes that simple and complex resumption constitute different phenomena also on a structural level: the latter one is argued to be a subcase of clitic doubling, and therefore, receives an analysis along the lines of Pineda (2016), who argues against a dative alternation in Romance languages and locates the (non-)realisation of the dative clitic in a transitive clitic-doubling structure outside of syntax, it being a case of silent variation along the lines of Sigurðsson (2004) and Kayne (2005). From this perspective, it follows naturally that in Portuguese, complex resumption structures are ungrammatical. Simple resumption, on the other hand, which is a possible structure in all three languages, is argued to represent the phonological counterpart of “scattered deletion”, i.e. the preferred interpretation for an A’-chain according to Chomsky (2003): in the operator position SpecCP, every feature except for the operator feature is deleted, resulting in the phonological outcome que, while in the variable position, everything but the operator is interpreted, resulting in a pronominal element according to the argument’s phi-features.
This work takes a stance in the latest topics on generative analyses for relative clauses. Using not only theoretical considerations but conclusions drawn from empirical data on three languages, it offers a new perspective on pending questions and proposes to take a fresh look on supposedly outdated analyses.
Die diskursanalytische Dissertation beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, wie das amerikanische Kino von seinen Anfängen bis in die Gegenewart das Thema des Scheiterns und Versagens dargestellt hat.
Ausgangspunkt der Arbeit ist dabei zunächst eine Einordnung und Differenzierung des Begriffspaares aus etymologischer Perspektive. Es wird bereits an dieser Stelle auf semantische Unterschiede verwiesen, denen sich divergierende Plotstrukturen anschließen: Die Geschichte des Versagens ist eine andere als die des Scheiterns. Außerdem werden anthropologische Erkenntnisse der Aufklärung benannt, die ein eigenständiges Scheitern und Versagen überhaupt erst ermöglichen.
Im Anschluss an diese sprachtheoretische Untersuchung widmet sich die Arbeit den Besonderheiten des amerikanischen Narrativs des Scheiterns und Versagens und damit einer historischen Perspektivierung, die von der Analyse ausgewählter literarischer Texte abgeschlossen wird.
Die Ergebnisse der sprachtheoretischen Untersuchung, der historischen Perspektivierung und der Literaturanalyse bilden schließlich das Fundament für die sich anschließende Filmanalyse, die die Frage stellt, wie tradierte Erzählformen des Scheiterns und Versagens ab dem 20. Jahrhundert in filmischer Form bestätigt, subvertiert oder gänzlich neu etabliert werden.
Im Vordergrund steht hier zunächst das klassische Hollywood-Kino. Dabei wird grundsätzlich zwischen zwei unterschiedlichen Narrativen unterschieden: Dem Versagen und dem Scheitern. Im ersten Teil stehen die Versager, bewusste Aussteiger, die auf der Suche nach alternativen Lebensentwürfen sind. Bespiele hierfür sind der tramp Chaplins, der singende Obdachlose Bumper in Halleluja, I'm a Bum oder der glückliche Tunichtgut Thadeus Winship Page in The Magnificent Dope. Demgegenüber stehen die Figuren, die an äußeren Umständen scheitern und meist an diesen zerbrechen, wie die lost woman in Blonde Venus oder der forgotten man in I Am a Fugitive from a Chain Gang. Ziel der Analyse ist es, iterative Semantiken und syntaktische Strukturen zu benennen, die die Grundlage eigener Erzählgenres bilden, wie das des „Glücklichen Versagers“ oder der lost woman.
Im letzten Kapitel werden die bisherigen Ergebnisse um Erkenntnisse erweitert, die sich dem modernen amerikanischen Kino entnehmen lassen. Ausgangspunkt ist das New Hollywood-Kino der 60er und 70er Jahre mit Filmen wie Easy Rider, The Graduate, oder The Swimmer.
Auf der Reflexion über die eigene Tätigkeit liegt vor allem im letzten Teil dieses Kapitels der Schwerpunkt. Hier sind es vorwiegend Künstler des 21. Jahrhunderts, wie Drehbuchschreiber, Theaterregisseure oder Comicautoren, die ihre eigenen Handlungen in Frage stellen. Neu ist, dass sich das künstlerische Versagen der Protagonisten nicht nur innerhalb der Diegese auf den Film auswirkt, bzw. dessen Form modifiziert, sondern diese geradezu dekonstruiert und aufbricht.
This thesis examines the referential properties of prenominal possessive modifiers in Serbian. The focus of the investigation is on the configurations that have been claimed to violate Binding Principles B and C: lexical or pronominal possessives modifying a noun in subject position binding a pronoun or an R-expression in object position. Such constructions have been claimed to be ungrammatical in Serbian due to the alleged adjectival status of the possessive and its respective syntactic position as NP-adjoined (Despić 2013).
The present thesis takes up the ongoing debate about the categorial status of Serbian possessives as adjectives or determiners. Based on several arguments, such as word order, binding of anaphora, coordination, and the fact that they are typically represented by either nouns or pronouns, it is concluded that possessives rather behave like full noun phrases than adjectives. Therefore, I analyse possessives as DPs from a categorial point of view.
In a second step, the syntactic position of the possessives within the Serbian noun phrase has been investigated. Based on theoretical arguments (cf. Bašić 2004) and empirical evidence, I propose a structural position that would accommodate the binding facts and the referential possibilities in these configurations. In line with Kayne (1994), Bernstein and Tortora (2005) and Alexiadou et al. (2007), I assume that possessives occupy SpecAgrP in Serbian, where they move from their base position (SpecPossP). Thirdly, I question the (im)possibility of coreference with possessives in comparison to ‘typical’ binding constructions without possessives by providing empirical evidence from three experimental studies, showing that coreference between possessive modifiers and objects is indeed available in Serbian.
The results from Experiment 1 (a picture selection task) have shown that coreference between a lexical possessive and a (clitic or strong) pronoun is allowed in Serbian. Further, there is a tendency that the coreferential reading is preferred with clitics, while the disjoint reference is preferred with strong pronouns. The fact that coreference is possible, does not necessarily mean that it is always available as the only interpretation, but can be influenced by other (pragmatic) factors. The same is observed in Experiments 2 and 3 as coreference was chosen between pronominal possessives modifying a noun in subject position and R-expressions but rejected between pronouns and R-expressions in a forced-choice task, suggesting a structural difference – no c-command – in the former case. The results from the self-paced reading task corroborate this finding.
Importantly, the experimental results provide evidence that possessive configurations are not violating Binding Principles B and C. This implies that Serbian possessive constructions do not c-command out of the noun phrase, as predicted by the proposed syntactic analysis.
The findings from all experiments contribute to the bigger picture concerning the nature and behaviour of Serbian possessives and cast doubt on the cross-linguistic DG/AG parameter. Instead, the theoretical arguments and the empirical results from the experiments rather speak for a parallel structure of possessive noun phrases in Serbian and English and ultimately in favour of the Universal DP Hypothesis.
Since Vietnamese is an isolating language, word order plays an important role in identifying the function of a particular word. Yet in some contexts word order may be flexible especially in the case of special information-structural settings. Discontinuous noun phrases constitute a specific case of non-canonical word order in Vietnamese.
I have conducted two read-speech experiments in order to find out whether there are prosodic or intonational effects in a comparison between continuous and discontinuous noun phrases in Vietnamese. In the first experiment, speakers from the Northern dialect were recorded and in the second experiment speakers from the Southern dialect. The results showed prosodic differences in the two word order conditions in both dialects. The duration of the classifier is significantly longer (p<0.001, ANOVA calculation) in the case of discontinuous noun phrases and the rising tone (sắc) is clearly articulated as rising. In the case of continuous noun phrases, the duration of the classifier is significantly shorter (p<0.001, ANOVA calculation) and a classifier with rising tone may lose its rising property. These prosodic effects are related to prosodic boundaries. In the case of discontinuous noun phrases, the classifier constitutes the prosodic boundary, whereas with continuous noun phrases, the (right) prosodic boundary occurs further to the right.
I assume that in Vietnamese there is generally a correspondence between syntactic and prosodic structure as in Selkirk (2011) and Féry (2017).
This means that for example the DP hai trái cam ‘two oranges’ (two CLF orange) is matched by a prosodic phrase, thus (hai trái cam)Φ. However, when the noun cam ‘orange’ is separated from the numeral-classifier complex, the noun and the classifier form a prosodic phrase on their own: (hai trái)Φ. It can thus be concluded that intonation effects in Vietnamese are not only present when expressing sentence modality and when changing the role of function words (Đỗ et al. 1998 and Hạ & Grice 2010), but they also play a role in word order change, as in discontinuous nominal phrases.
When it comes to syntactic aspects of discontinuous noun phrases, I discuss whether split constructions in Vietnamese involve movement as proposed by Trịnh (2011) or base-generation as put forward by Fanselow & Féry (2006). I argue for base-generation analysis since the second part of a discontinuous NP (remnant) may also occur outside of discontinuous noun phrases without its head noun and some discontinuous noun phrases do not have a continuous counterpart. My study confirms the connection between syntax and prosody.
The two parts of the discontinuous noun phrase form their own phrases syntactically as well as prosodically.
In dieser Arbeit wurde untersucht, ob die Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik in den pädiatrischen Früherkennungsuntersuchungen U7a (mit 3 Jahren), U8 (4 J.) und U9 (5 J.) wissenschaftliche Qualitätsanforderungen an eine zuverlässige Identifikation von Kindern mit Spezifischen Sprachentwicklungsstörungen (SSES) erfüllt. Im Fokus der Untersuchung stehen mehrsprachige Kinder, da es insbesondere bei dieser Zielgruppe zu Fehleinschätzungen kommt.
In Studie I, einer Fragebogenerhebung mit 36 Kinderärzt/innen, wurde erstens der Frage nachgegangen, welche Informationen zur Sprachbiografie und Indikatoren einer SSES anamnestisch erhoben werden. Den Ergebnisse zufolge werden die relevanten sprachbiografischen Informationen (Alter und Sprachen des Kindes, Sprachgebrauch in der Familie, Alter bei Beginn des Deutscherwerbs, Kontaktdauer) und Risikoindikatoren (späte Produktion erster Wörter und Wortverbindungen, familiäre Sprachauffälligkeiten) von nahezu allen Kinderärzt/innen erfasst. Den Stand der Erstsprache als zentrales differentialdiagnostisches Kriterium erheben 75% der Pädiater/innen. Zweitens wurde untersucht, welche sprachdiagnostischen Methoden und Verfahren zur Untersuchung des Kindes zum Repertoire der Ärzt/innen gehören. Den Ergebnisse zufolge verfügen sie über verschiedenste Verfahren. Sie präferieren Elternfragebögen und nicht standardisierte Verfahren. Diese erfüllen die testtheoretischen Gütekriterien nicht und sind für mehrsprachige Kinder nicht geeignet.
In Studie II wurde mittels teilnehmender Beobachtungen in 21 Vorsorgeuntersuchungen bei 11 Ärzt/innen untersucht, unter welchen Rahmenbedingungen und wie Kinderärzt/innen die Sprachentwicklung mehrsprachiger Kinder überprüfen. Als Methode zur Beurteilung der sprachlichen Fähigkeiten bevorzugen die Ärzt/innen das informelle Gespräch mit dem Kind. Ein Schwerpunkt der Arbeit lag deshalb auf der Analyse ihrer diagnostischen Fragen für die Erfassung sprachlicher Fähigkeiten im Gespräch. Dafür wurden Fragetypen des Deutschen danach klassifiziert, welche sprachlichen Strukturen in den Antworten erwartet werden können und welchen Beitrag sie somit zur Diagnostik einer SSES leisten können. Eine linguistische Analyse aller Fragen und Impulse (n = 801), die die Ärzt/innen an die Kinder richteten, um sie zum Sprechen anzuregen, ergab, dass ihr Potenzial für die Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik nur unzureichend genutzt wird. 18% der ärztlichen Fragen waren nicht auswertbar, weil sie im Gespräch keine Antwort des Kindes zuließen. Im Mittel waren je Untersuchung lediglich 8,5% aller auswertbaren Fragen (n = 578) dazu geeignet, verbhaltige und v.a. satzwertige Äußerungen zu elizitieren. Diese sind für die SSES-Diagnostik besonders relevant, da sie frühe Symptome einer SSES enthalten können. 43% der Fragen ließen als Antwort verblose Konstituenten erwarten, die jedoch für die Diagnostik von untergeordneter Bedeutung sind. Die übrigen Fragen waren für die Diagnostik nicht relevant.
Den Ergebnisse beider Studien zufolge ist eine flächendeckend zuverlässige Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik unter Einhaltung wissenschaftlicher Qualitätsanforderungen in den Früherkennungsuntersuchungen nicht gewährleistet.
Mit der Arbeit wird ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der pädiatrischen Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik geleistet. Mögliche Ursachen für Fehldiagnosen werden offengelegt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen die Bedingungen und Probleme auf, unter denen Sprachentwicklungsdiagnostik in institutionellen Kontexten stattfindet, und weisen damit über das Feld der pädiatrischen Diagnostik hinaus. Die linguistisch fundierte Analyse diagnostischer Fragen ist auch bspw. für die Sprachtherapie und die Sprachförderung in pädagogischen Kontexten bedeutsam. Die Ergebnisse lassen sich folglich nicht nur für die Weiterqualifizierung von Kinderärzt/innen, sondern auch für andere Berufsgruppen fruchtbar machen.