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My contribution focuses on the relationship between theory and praxis, since the task of a “critical archaeology” is to mediate between these two spheres. Its target audience is the public, not other scholars. Critical archaeology is not part of scientific practice, but rather is part of intellectual reasoning that is both value-laden and that exercises practical critique. Respect for the specific logics of theory and praxis is crucial for its success. A “critical archaeology” that merits its name must steer its way between the Scylla of a technocratic paternalism that limits praxis and the Charybdis of submission to theory under the presumption of the “relevance of praxis.”
The European Union is currently challenged by right-wing populism and economic stress. To understand the nature of these challenges, we need to take an interdisciplinary approach in which empirical studies of politics are combined with studies of the normative implications of European policy-making. To this end, I draw attention to the right to free movement, which is pivotal both for European politics and liberal political philosophy. I show that even though transnational rights, such as the free movement for people, products and money, are normatively sound and desirable, enhancement of free movement may challenge the heterogeneity among the national models of rights and societal commitments. The risk is that the national institutions as a political arena face difficulties in coping with current political challenges such as right-wing radicalism, social inequality, environmental regulation, immigration and financial insecurity. On the other hand, I argue that we should be aware that the transnational rights might in some countries enhance human rights, which national parliaments have not been able to accommodate.
O presente estudo teórico tem como objetivo relacionar uma discussão sobre o trabalho em equipe interdisciplinar nos serviços públicos de saúde com os principais conceitos do filósofo contemporâneo Axel Honneth, dentre eles aquele que denominou Luta por Reconhecimento. Para tanto, partimos da revisão da noção de sujeito na teoria honnethiana, sobretudo a partir do diálogo que faz com a psicanálise de Donald Winnicott. Destacamos que se trata de um sujeito eminentemente social, cuja constituição depende do reconhecimento do outro em relação a sua alteridade e da legitimação do seu pertencimento a um grupo social. Mostramos que esse reconhecimento se dá através de um processo de luta, essencial para o desenvolvimento da capacidade de amar e se relacionar com o outro. Em seguida, defendemos que o trabalho em equipes interdisciplinares pode ser um espaço para o reconhecimento dos profissionais, tal como discutido por Honneth. Consequentemente, as equipes podem facilitar o desenvolvimento de trabalhos criativos e inovações na organização da assistência oferecida aos pacientes.
This paper explores the implications of empirical theories of migration for normative accounts of migration and distributive justice. It examines neo-classical economics, world-systems theory, dual labor market theory, and feminist approaches to migration and contends that neo-classical economic theory in isolation provides an inadequate understanding of migration. Other theories provide a fuller account of how national and global economic, political, and social institutions cause and shape migration flows by actively affecting people's opportunity sets in source countries and by admitting people according to social categories such as class and gender. These empirical theories reveal the causal impact of institutions regulating migration and clarify moral obligations frequently overlooked by normative theorists.
En mi artículo analizaré la lectura que hace Axel Honneth de uno de los textos más importantes del período de Jena de Hegel: el Sistema de la Eticidad. En términos generales, quisiera determinar qué importancia y qué limitaciones presenta este texto, en relación con otros trabajos del mismo período, para la formulación de la teoría del reconocimiento de Honneth. Para lograr este propósito considero necesario centrarme, particularmente, en la exégesis que hace de la cuestión del delito y del carácter ambivalente que presenta en el libro mencionado. Por un lado, constituye un acto destructivo que desgarra los procesos consolidados de reconocimiento; es decir, lesiona a la persona como sujeto de derechos y a la “persona como un todo” originando así una conflicto y una lucha entre ellas. Por otro lado, el delito conserva un “papel constructivo" en la medida en que exhorta a tomar conciencia de la dependencia respecto a la comunidad y de la necesidad de ser reconocido en su seno. Otro factor que resulta teóricamente productivo del modelo hegeliano es que provee las coordenadas, si bien de forma elusiva e implícita, para comprender la génesis y los motivos del delito haciendo alusión a una falta de reconocimiento inicial que se perpetúa en el derecho abstracto. En definitiva, lo que busco demostrar es que la interpretación que realiza Honneth respecto a la cuestión del delito en el Sistema de la Eticidad permite comprender elementos centrales de su propuesta de “sociologización del modelo de pensamiento hegeliano”.
This article critically discusses the role and place of migrants' rights in the EU’s evolving migration and development policy under the Global Approach to Migration and Mobility (GAMM) pursued by the EU.1 The GAMM, which aims to govern migration flows from outside of the EU more effectively, incorporates the field of migration and development as one of four pillars. Only in November of 2011, however, the human rights of migrants were explicitly acknowledged as a cross-cutting theme within the GAMM, which before paid little attention – not to say neglected – the protection of such rights. This contribution analyses how the linkage between migration and development evolved on the international and European level, highlights the EU’s interests in such a policy, and explains the pitfalls of disregarding the protection of migrants’ rights in this context. The article argues that the ‘development burden’ should not be placed on immigrant populations without guaranteeing their secure legal status in the host countries.
A concepção de filosofia formulada por Adorno foi impulsionada principalmente pela sua reação crítica a sistemas com pretensões totalitárias: nazismo, stalinismo e a sociedade produtora de mercadorias. A filosofia representa um refúgio para a liberdade diante dessas estruturas: ela dá voz ao não-idêntico. A capacidade de subverter os ordenamentos conceituais e sociais é implícita ao próprio pensamento, que se articula na forma de constelações em devir. A aproximação da dialética com o materialismo, concebido enquanto primazia do objeto, fortalece a filosofia na sua potencialidade crítica, na sua proximidade com a realidade e com a liberdade. Resulta daí uma filosofia renovada, simultaneamente aberta e comprometida com a verdade. A proposta deste artigo é apresentar a interdependência desses conceitos e apontar para a relevância da concepção de filosofia que deles emerge.
This paper explores political engagement by Guatemalans who seasonally migrate to Canada as contracted agricultural workers. Since 2003, an ever-increasing number of Guatemalans have pursued economic opportunities in Canadian fields and greenhouses as participants in a labour migration scheme brokered by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) called the Temporary Agricultural Workers to Canada (TAWC) Project. While some describe this labour migration as a win-win situation for employers and migrant workers, for too many of these migrants, work in Canada has demanded sacrifices and losses, not the least of which of their human rights and dignity at the hands of employers and administrators of the TAWC Project. While there is a great deal at stake for these migrants should they denounce mistreatment, given the climate of fear created by the employer-driven nature of the TAWC project, a growing number of them have been pushed to do so. With the support of allies that encourage political empowerment of migrant workers, black-listed Guatemalans have formed a political advocacy group - Asociación de Guatemaltecos Unidos por Nuestros Derechos (AGUND) - aimed at fighting for the realization of their rights and redressing cases of wrongdoing. Based on workers’ testimonies and other institutional interviews, this paper outlines the difficulties workers have experienced as labour migrants to Canada, the context of vulnerability that largely impedes them from denouncing mistreatment, and the development and activities of AGUND. Informed by literature on political organizing, it also identifies the factors that have both impeded and encouraged political activity on the part of these disenfranchised yet determined Guatemalan workers.