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Namibia is known to be the most arid country south of the Sahara. Average annual rainfall is not only relatively low in most parts of the country, it is also highly variable. Only 8 per cent of the country receives enough rain during a normal rainy season to practice rainfed cultivation. At the same time between 60 per cent and 70 per cent of the population depend on subsistence agro-pastoralism in non-freehold or communal areas. Against the background of rising unemployment, the livelihoods of the majority of these people are likely to depend on natural resources in the foreseeable future.
Natural resources generally are under considerable strain. As the rural population increases, so is the demand for natural resources, land and water specifically. Dependency on subsistence farming which is the result of large scale rural poverty exacerbates the problem. Large parts of the country are stocked injudiciously, resulting in overgrazing and water is frequently overabstracted, leading to declining water tables (MET 2005: 2).
Unequal access to both land and water has prompted government to introduce reforms in these sectors. These reforms were guided by the desire to manage resources more sustainably while providing more equal access to them. In terms of NDP 2, sustainability means to use natural resources in such a way so as not to ‘compromise the ability of future generations to make use of these resources’ (NDP 2: 595).
Immediately after Independence government started reform processes in the land and water sectors. However, these reforms have happened at different paces and largely independent of each other. Increasingly policy makers and development practitioners realised that land and water management needed to be integrated, as decisions about land management and land use options had a direct impact on water resources. Conversely the availability of water sets the parameters for what is possible in terms of agricultural production and other land uses. The north-central regions face a particular challenge in this regard as the region carries more livestock than it can sustain in the long run. At the same time, close to half the households do not own any livestock. Access to livestock by these households would improve their abilities to cultivate their land more efficiently in order to feed themselves and thus reduce poverty levels.
But livestock are a major consumer of water. In 2000 livestock was consuming more water than the domestic sector. The figures were 77Mm3/a and 67Mm3/a respectively (Urban et al. 2003 Annex 7: 2). This situation has prompted a Project Progress Report on the Namibia Water Resources Management Review in 2003 to conclude that Given the extreme water scarcity in most parts of the country, land and water issues are closely linked. It therefore seems indispensable to mutually adjust land – and water sector reform processes (Ibid: 20).
This paper will briefly look at four institutions that are central to land and water management with a view to assess the extent to which they interact. These are Communal Land Boards, Water Point Committees, Traditional Authorities and Regional Councils. A discussion of relevant policy documents and legislative instruments will investigate whether the existing policy framework
provides for an integrated approach or not. Before doing this, it appears sensible to briefly situate these four institutions in the wider maze of institutions operating at regional and
sub-regional level. All these institutions – important as they are in the quest to improve participation at the regional and sub-regional level – are competing for time and input fros mallscale farmers.
Improvements in water infrastructure in developing countries are of major importance for achieving access to clean water. CuveWaters, a research based IWRM project, currently underway in Namibia, is testing different technical options to de-centralise water supply and upgrade sanitation. The Cuvelai Basin is affected by highly variable precipitation, mostly saline groundwater and a lack of perennial rivers. Water management is characterised by strong dependency on a water pipeline. Finding ways to improve the situation calls for a good grasp of the local situation regarding water utilisation patterns. Technologically sophisticated concepts can easily clash with users’ socio-cultural needs and everyday behaviour as well as their understanding of planning and maintenance. A demand-responsive approach has therefore been developed. It combines a qualitative socio-empirical perspective with participatory planning. This paper discusses method development, empirical application and results. The approaches aim is to support mutual learning as a basis for a sustainable change process.
In Germany, as in almost all industrial countries, active pharmaceutical substances can now be found in virtually all water bodies and occasionally also in drinking water. Even though the concentrations in question tend to be very low, there are initial signs of their impact on aquatic life. There is no evidence as yet of any acute consequences for human health. It is, however, impossible to rule out long-term consequences from these minimal concentrations or unexpected effects from the interaction between various active ingredients (cocktail effect). At special risk here are sensitive segments of the population such as children and the chronically ill. There is thus a need for action on precautionary grounds.
The main actors in the health system are largely unaware of the problem posed by drug residues in water. Although knowledge cannot be equated with awareness – given the existence of the ‘not wanting to know' phenomenon – the first step is to generate a consolidated knowledge base. Only by creating awareness of the problem can further strategies be implemented to ultimately enlighten and bring about behavioural change. At stake here is the overall everyday handling of medications, including prescription, compliance, and drug-free disease prevention down to the doctor-patient relationship. The latter, namely, is often characterised by misunderstandings and a lack of communication about the – supposed – need to prescribe drugs.
The first part of the strategy for the general public involves using various channels and media to address three different target groups. These were identified by ISOE in an empirical survey as reacting differently to the problem under review:
· ‘The Deniers/Relativists'
· ‘The Truth-Seekers'
· ‘The Hypersensitives'
The intention is to address each target group in the right tone and using the most suitable line of reasoning via specific media and with the proper degree of differentiation. The ‘Truth-Seekers' play an opinion-leading role here. They can be provided with highly differentiated information through sophisticated media which they then pass on to their dialogue partners in an appropriate form.
The second part of the strategy for the general public relates to the communication of proper disposal routes for expired drugs. The goal is to confine disposal to pharmacies so that on no account are they flushed down the sink or toilet. Based on an analysis of typical errors in existing communications media on this topic, ISOE prepared recommendations for drafting proper information materials.
In addressing pharmacists, the first priority is to convey hard facts: to this end we propose a PR campaign to place articles in the main specialist media. At the same time, the subject should feature in training and continuing education programmes. Another aim is to strengthen the advisory function of the pharmacies. The environmentally sensitive target group would indeed react positively to having their attention drawn to the issue of drug residues in water. For all other customers, the pharmacists can and should act as consultants: they emphasise how important it is to take medication as instructed (compliance) and use suitable pack sizes, and warn older customers in particular about the potential hazards of improper drug intake.
The first stage of the communications strategy for doctors likewise revolves around knowledge. Here, however, it is important to take into account their self-image as scientists while in fact having little grasp of this specific area. The line to take is that of ‘discursive selfenlightenment'. This means that the issue of drug residues in water cannot be conveyed to doctors by laymen but must be taken up and imparted via the major media of the medical profession and by medical association officials (top-down).
The second stage, namely that of raising doctors’ awareness of the problem, is likely to encounter strong resistance from some of the medical profession. They may fear a threat of interference in treatment plans from an environmental perspective and feel the need to emphasise that doctors are not responsible for environmental issues. As shown in empirical surveys by ISOE, such a defensive reaction is ultimately down to an underlying taboo: people are loath to discuss the over-prescription taking place in countless doctors' surgeries. And it is a fact that this problem cannot be tackled from the environmental perspective, although the goals of water protection are indeed consistent with the economic objectives of restraint in the deployment of drugs. Any communications measure for this target group has to bear in mind that doctors feel restricted by what they see as a ‘perpetual health reform' no matter which government is in power. On no account are they prepared to tolerate any new form of regulation, in this case for environmental reasons.
An entirely different view of the problem is taken by ‘critical doctors' such as specialists in environmental health and those with a naturopathic focus. They are interested in the problem because they see a connection between the quality of our environment and our health. What is more, they have patients keen to be prescribed as few drugs as possible and who are instead interested in ‘talking medicine'. So, any communication strategy intent on tackling the difficult problem of oversubscribing drugs needs to look carefully at the experiences of these medical professionals and also at a ‘bottom-up strategy'.
Implementation of strategic communications should be entrusted to an agency with experience in ‘issue management'. Knowledge of social marketing and the influencing of behaviour are further prerequisites. All important decisions should be taken by a consensus committee (‘MeriWa'1 round table), in which the medical profession, pharmacists and consumers are represented.