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The result of questionnaire studies are presented which shows (i) that conjuncts are scope islands in Japanese and (ii) that left-node raising can nullify such scope islands. This finding confirms the theory advanced in Yatabe (2001), in which semantic composition is almost entirely carried out within order domains, and arguably contradicts the theory proposed in Beavers and Sag (2004), which introduces a mechanism called Optional Quantifier Merger to deal with the fact that right-node raising and left-node raising can have semantic effects.
Based on Krifka (1992) and de Kuthy (2000), this paper develops an architecture for complex topic-comment structures in HPSG and applies it to predicate fronting in English with the goal of capturing the insights of Ward (1988) on this construction. We argue that predicate fronting is a distributed constructional form consisting of an auxiliary occurring in a predicate preposing phrase. The use of predicate preposing is a function of a combination of simultaneous constraints on its theme structure, its background-focus distribution, and its presuppositional structure. It is shown that these constraints can be made explicit within the HPSG architecture developed here.
This paper aims at making a general description of Chinese NPs using Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. The paper introduces the basic and complex structures of Chinese NPs and then shed light on the noun-classifier matching problem when implemented in HPSG. To solve this problem, the paper tries to establish a basic grammar of Chinese NPs in the framework of HPSG, which is implemented in the LKB system. The implementation shows, although the matching problem between noun and classifier can be described in HPSG, especially by the MRS, it is still difficult to efficiently represent the semantic constrains in the LKB system.
The Big Mess Construction
(2007)
There is a construction in English, exemplified by 'how long a bridge', which is so irregular that it has been named the Big Mess Construction (Berman 1974). This paper first sketches its main characteristics and a treatment of the internal structure of the noun phrase which serves as a background for the analysis. It then presents three ways in which the Big Mess Construction can be analysed; two of them are lexicalist and are shown to be implausible; the third is constructivist and is argued to be superior. In a next step, the discussion is extended to two other types of constructions. The first concerns the English adnominal reflexives, as in 'the children themselves', and is shown to require a constructivist analysis which is similar but not identical to the one for the Big Mess Construction. The second concerns the combination of 'such' and 'what' with the indefinite article, as in 'such a pleasure'. In spite of its obvious resemblance with the Big Mess Construction this combination does not require a constructivist analysis; instead, it fits the lexicalist mould of most of the rest of HPSG.
An empirical overview of the properties of English prepositional passives is presented, followed by a discussion of formal approaches to the analysis of the various types of prepositional passives in HPSG. While a lexical treatment is available, the significant number of technical and conceptual difficulties encountered point to an alternative approach relying on constructional constraints. The constructional approach is argued to be the best option for prepositional passives involving adjunct PPs, and this analysis can be extended to create a hierarchy of constructions accommodating all types of prepositional passives in English, and the ordinary NP passive.
This paper aims to provide type hierarchies for Korean passive constructions on the basis of their forms within the HPSG framework. The type hierarchies proposed in this paper are based on the classification of Korean passives; suffixal passives, auxiliary passives, inherent passives, and passive light verb constructions. Verbs are divided into five subtypes in accordance with the possibility of passivization. We also provide type hierarchies for verbal nouns and passive light verbs.
In Sorani Kurdish dialects, the complement of a preposition can generally be realized either as a syntactic item (NP, independent pronoun or PP) or a bound personal morpheme (clitic/affix). However, the affixal realization of the complement gives rise to a range of specific phenomena. First, some prepositions display two different phonological forms depending on the realization of their complement: the variant combining with a syntactic item is referred to as ˋsimple', while the variant combining with an affixal complement is called ˋabsolute'. Furthermore, unlike syntactic complements, which are always realized locally, the affixal complement of an absolute preposition can have a non-local realization, attaching to a host with which it has no morphosyntactic relations. In order to deal with these facts, this paper proposes a classification of Sorani prepositions along two lines: the affixal versus non-affixal realization of the complement on the one hand and its local versus non-local realization on the other hand. All cases of non-local realization receive a lexical account, either in terms of argument composition or in terms of linearization constraints on domain objects.
Negative Polarity Items (NPI) are expressions such as English 'ever' and 'lift a finger' that only occur in sentences that are somehow negative. NPIs have puzzled linguists working in syntax, semantics and pragmatics, but no final conclusion as to which module of the grammar should be responsible for the licensing has been reached. Within HPSG interest in NPI has developed only relatively recently and is mainly inspired by the entailment-based approach of Ladusaw 1980 and Zwarts 1997. Since HPSG's CONTENT value is a semantic representation, the integration of such a denotational theory cannot be done directly. Adopting Discourse Representation Theory (DRT, Kamp and Reyle 1993, von Genabith et al. 2004) I show that it is possible to formulate a theory of NPI licensing that uses purely representational notions. In contrast to most other frameworks in semantics, DRT attributes theoretical significance to the representation of meaning, i.e. to a logical form, and not only to the denotation itself. This makes DRT particularly well-suited to my purpose.
Remarks on locality
(2007)
This paper proposes a modification of HPSG theory—Sign-Based Construction Grammar—that incorporates a strong theory of both selectional and constructional locality. A number of empirical phenomena that give the appearance of requiring nonlocal constraints are given a principled, localist analysis consistent with this general approach, which incorporates certain insights from work in the tradition of Berkeley Construction Grammar, as exemplified by Fillmore et al. (1988), Kay and Fillmore (1999), and related work.
Abeillé and Godard (2007) describe a variety of Spanish whose complex predicates differ structurally from the more familiar flat VP type of complex predicate common to other varieties of Spanish and Romance. I present a verb cluster analysis of this variety which both captures these structural differences, and at the same time preserves those features that are common across both construction types. Coupled with a simple morphological treatment of affixation, this analysis predicts the range of 'clitic climbing' facts. The parsimony of the affixation analysis is afforded by an alternative approach to the constraints on reflexive affix distribution in Spanish complex predicates. I depart radically from previous morpho-lexical approaches to the phenomenon, instead showing how the constraints follow from independently motivated binding principles. This approach not only handles more of the Spanish data, but also has the potential to provide a unified account of the phenomenon across Romance.
This paper is a follow up on Müller, 2006. It contains some comments on suggestions about the interaction of phrasal Constructions with constituent order that Adele Goldberg made at various occasions. In addition the paper discusses various HPSG analyses of particle verbs that assume lexical representations including phonologically specified parts of particle verb lexical entries. A recent phrasal analysis of resultatives (Haugereid, 2007) is discussed as well and it is pointed out that control constructions pose problems for phrasal analyses that do not assume empty elements but require that the subject is realized in a phrasal configuration.
Modern Hebrew is considered to be a 'partial pro-drop language'. Traditionally, the distinction between cases where pro-drop is licensed and those in which it is prohibited, was based on the person and tense features of the verb: 1st and 2nd person pronominal subjects may be omitted in past and future tense. This generalization, however, was found to be false in a number of papers, each discussing a subset of the data. Thus, contrary to conventional wisdom, dropped 3rd person pronouns subjects do occur in the language in particular contexts.
Identifying these contexts by way of a corpus-based survey is the initial step taken in this study. Subsequently, a careful syntactic analysis of the data reveals broad generalizations which have not been made to date. Thus, what was initially assumed to be a uniform phenomenon of 3rd person pro-drop turns out to be manifested in three distinct types of constructions. Finally, the proposed HPSG-based analysis incorporates insights concerning locality, correlations between finite and non-finite control, non-canonical elements, and binding.
The so-called floating quantifier constructions in languages like Korean display intriguing properties whose successful processing can prove the robustness of a parsing system. This paper shows that a constraint-based analysis, in particular couched upon the framework of HPSG, can offer us an efficient way of analyzing these constructions together with proper semantic representations. It also shows how the analysis has been successfully implemented in the LKB (Linguistic Knowledge Building) system.
Multiple nominative constructions (MNCs) in Korean have two main sub- types: possessive and adjunct types. This paper shows that a grammar allow- ing the interaction of declarative constraints on types of signs - in particular, having constructions (phrases and clauses) - can provide a robust and efficient way of encoding generalizations for two different MNCs. The feasibility of the grammar developed here has been checked with its implementation into the LKB (Linguistic Knowledge Building) system
The paper examines two verb sequencing constructions in Ga: the Serial Verb Construction (SVC) and the Extended Verb Complex (EVC). The former is an instance of a commonly recognized construction, the latter is typically found in the Volta Basin area of West Africa. EVCs are sequences of verbs functioning as single verb units relative to the syntax, but with an internal structure much like syntactic complementation. Both constructions show agreement of aspect and mood marking throughout the sequence, but with differences in exponence: in an SVC all Vs expose such marking, in an EVC only a limited (down to one) number of verbs, depending on the inflectional category. The paper presents the basic facts, based on works by Dakubu (2002, 2004, to appear), and gives an HPSG account of their morphology, syntax and semantics. The analysis is sustained by a grammar of the phenomena implemented with the 'Linguistic Knowledge Builder' (LKB), an engineering platform for natural language processing.
Licenser rules have originally been introduced in Müller (1999) as a part of a grammar based on discontinuous constituents. We propose licenser rules as a means to avoid underspecified empty elements in grammars with continuous constituents. We applied them to a verb movement analysis of the German main clause with right sentence bracket and to complement extraposition. To reduce the number of unnecessary hypotheses, we extended the licenser rule concept with a licenser binding technique. We compared the licenser rule approach to an approach based on underspecified traces with respect to processing performance. In our experiment, the use of licenser rules reduced the parse time by a factor of 13.5.
This paper examines the syntactic behavior of the Mauritian copula in predicative and extracted sentences. As it is the case in many languages, the Mauritian copula ete is absent in certain constructions: It only appears in extraction contexts. Our aim is to show that the postulation of a null copula, which has been proposed in various analyses, is inadequate for the Mauritian data. The phenomenon, as it is argued, rather lends itself to a strictly construction-based analysis within the framework of HPSG and is based on the distribution of weak pronouns and TAM markers.
In this paper I suggest an interface level of semantic representations, that on the one hand corresponds to morpho-syntactic entities such as phrase structure rules, function words and inflections, and that on the other hand can be mapped to lexical semantic representations that one ultimately needs in order to give good predictions about argument frames of lexical items. This interface level consists of basic constructions that can be decomposed into five sub-constructions (arg1-role, arg2-role ... arg5-role). I argue in favour of phrasal constructions in order to account for altering argument frames and maybe also coercion without having to use lexical rules or multiple lexical entries.
Townsend and Bever (2001) and Ferreira (2003) argue that simple templates representing the most commonly used orderings of arguments within a clause (e.g., NP-V-NP = Agent-Action-Patient) are used early in sentence comprehension to derive a preliminary interpretation before a full parse is completed. Sentences which match these templates (e.g., active sentences, subject clefts) are understood quickly and accurately, while sentences which deviate from the templates (e.g. passive sentences, object clefts) require additional processing to arrive at the correct interpretation. The present study extends the idea of canonical templates to the domain of noun phrases. I report on two experiments showing that possessive free relative clauses in English, which involve a non-canonical ordering of the head noun, are more difficult to understand than canonically headed noun phrases. I propose two reasons for this finding: (1) possessive free relatives deviate from the canonical template for interpreting noun phrases; and (2) the formal cues for interpreting possessive free relatives are relatively subtle. More generally I suggest that canonical templates help constrain mismatch in language by making certain kinds of mismatches costly for language users. Finally, I argue that evidence for canonical templates fits best within a parallel-architecture, constructionist theory of grammar.
In this paper, we report on an experiment showing how the introduction of prosodic information from detailed syntactic structures into synthetic speech leads to better disambiguation of structurally ambiguous sentences. Using modifier attachment (MA) ambiguities and subject/object fronting (OF) in German as test cases, we show that prosody which is automatically generated from deep syntactic information provided by an HPSG generator can lead to considerable disambiguation effects, and can even override a strong semantics-driven bias. The architecture used in the experiment, consisting of the LKB generator running a large-scale grammar for German, a syntax-prosody interface module, and the speech synthesis system MARY is shown to be a valuable platform for testing hypotheses in intonation studies.