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This study outlines the formation of the category of "modal verb" within the grammaticography of German from the beginnings in the 16th century up to its "canonization" in the first half of the 20th century, also showing certain parallels to the treatment of modal verbs in the grammaticography of Portuguese. It also describes the influence German grammaticography had on the formation of this category in the grammaticography of Portuguese.
Die kontrastive Sprachwissenschaft spezialisiert sich auf den Vergleich von unterschiedlichen Sprachsystemen. Aus dieser Perspektive gesehen stellen die bi- bzw. multilingualen Korpora in allen ihren Erscheinungsformen eine effiziente Vergleichsbasis für die Konfrontation von zwei oder mehreren Sprachsystemen dar. Die konkreten Ergebnisse werden von der mehrsprachigen Lexikographie oder in der Übersetzungswissenschaft angewandt, da die korpuslinguistische Sprachbetrachtung den authentischen Sprachgebrauch beobachtet. Zur Feststellung der andersprachigen
Äquivalenz, sowohl grammatikalischen als auch lexikalischen, ist es notwendig, das jeweilige Sprachelement im aktuellen Kontext, d. h. im Korpus, zu betrachten.
The German causal preposition durch ('by', 'through') poses a challenge to formal-semantic analyses applying strict compositionality. To deal with this challenge, a formalism which builds on recent important developments in Discourse Representation Theory is developed, including a more elaborate analysis of presuppositional phenomena as well as the integration into the theory of unification as a mode of composition. It is argued that that the observed unificational phenomena belong in the realm of pragmatics, providing an argument for presuppositional phenomena at a sentence- and word-internal level.
Da die Verbzweitstellung nach 'weil' immer noch fast ausschließlich Angelegenheit der mündlichen Kommunikation ist, wurden die bisherigen Analysen hauptsächlich anhand von Korpora der gesprochenen Sprache durchgeführt. In geschriebenen Texten wird 'weil'-Verbzweitstellung gemieden, es sei denn, dass es sich um Texte handelt, welche die gesprochene Sprache simulieren. So kann man die Hauptsatzstellung nach 'weil' vor allem in belletristischen Werken finden, in denen ihre Autoren im Rahmen der Figurenrede den mündlichen Sprachgebrauch nachahmen. Zu Autoren, die sich der Sprachmittel der gesprochenen Sprache - darunter auch der Verbzweitstellung nach 'weil' - in ausgiebigem Maße bedienen, gehört der österreichische Schriftsteller Wolf Haas. Weil Romane von Haas eine Menge von Belegen dieses Phänomens anbieten, wurde der Gebrauch von 'weil'-Sätzen in einem seiner Romane einer Analyse unterzogen, deren Ergebnisse im Folgenden vorgestellt werden.
Der folgende Artikel soll eine kurze Darstellung einer Möglichkeit bieten, als muttersprachliche Lektorin den Prozess des Fremdsprachenlernens im Kleide alternativer Methoden vorzustellen. Der Ausgangspunkt der Überlegungen zum Seminar "Theater im Unterricht" war die Hypothese, dass dramapädagogischer Unterricht ein fehlendes Glied in der Kette der an der Universität erlernten Methoden im Fremdsprachenunterricht darstellt, die für eine spätere Berufsausübung als DeutschlehrerInnen von Nutzen sein wird. Weiters wird behauptet, dass durch diesen alternativen Zugang die mündliche Kommunikationsfähigkeit verbessert wird, die Studierenden werden mit einem ganzheitlichen, handlungsorientierten Unterricht konfrontiert, der sie selbst zu HauptakteurInnen im Mittelpunkt des Geschehens werden lässt.
The causative/anticausative alternation has been the topic of much typological and theoretical discussion in the linguistic literature. This alternation is characterized by verbs with transitive and intransitive uses, such that the transitive use of a verb V means roughly "cause to Vintransitive" (see Levin 1993). The discussion revolves around two issues: the first one concerns the similarities and differences between the anticausative and the passive, and the second one concerns the derivational relationship, if any, between the transitive and intransitive variant. With respect to the second issue, a number of approaches have been developed. Judging the approach conceptually unsatisfactory, according to which each variant is assigned an independent lexical entry, it was concluded that the two variants have to be derivationally related. The question then is which one of the two is basic and where this derivation takes place in the grammar. Our contribution to this discussion is to argue against derivational approaches to the causative / anticausative alternation. We focus on the distribution of PPs related to external arguments (agent, causer, instrument, causing event) in passives and anticausatives of English, German and Greek and the set of verbs undergoing the causative/anticausative alternation in these languages. We argue that the crosslinguistic differences in these two domains provide evidence against both causativization and detransitivization analyses of the causative / anticausative alternation. We offer an approach to this alternation which builds on a syntactic decomposition of change of state verbs into a Voice and a CAUS component. Crosslinguistic variation in passives and anticausatives depends on properties of Voice and its combinations with CAUS and various types of roots.
In my paper, I show that the so-called German right dislocation actually comprises two distinct constructions, which I label 'right dislocation proper' and 'afterthought'. These differ in their prosodic and syntactic properties, as well as in their discourse functions. The paper is primarily concerned with the right dislocation proper (RD). I present a semantic analysis of RD based on the 'separate performative' account of Potts (2004, 2005) and Portner (forthc.). This analysis allows a description of the semantic contribution of RD to its host sentence, as well as explaining certain semantic constraints on the kind of NP in the RD construction.
Der vorliegende Beitrag beschäftigt sich [...] mit der exogenen Wortbildungseinheit "-phob-" sowie Wortbildungen mit diesem Morphem. Das Wortbildungselement "-phob-" ist sowohl in der Fachsprache als auch in der Gemeinsprache produktiv. Die gemeinsprachliche Produktivität ist sogar dermaßen stark ausgeprägt, dass "-phob-" zu Ad-hoc-Bildungen herangezogen wird. Innerhalb dieser Arbeit werden die gemeinsprachlichen Bildungen untersucht.
In this paper I argue in favor of a Matching Analysis for German relative clauses. The Head Raising Analysis is shown to fail to account for parts of the reconstruction pattern in German, especially cases where only the external head is interpreted and the absence of Principle C effects. I propose a Matching Analysis with Vehicle Change and make consistent assumptions about possible deletion operations in relatives so that the entire pattern can be captured by one analysis which therefore proves superior to previous ones.
Relative quantifier scope in German depends, in contrast to English, very much on word order. The scope possibilities of a quantifier are determined by its surface position, its base position and the type of the quantifier. In this paper we propose a multicomponent analysis for German quantifiers computing the scope of the quantifier, in particular its minimal nuclear scope, depending on the syntactic configuration it occurs in.
This paper presents two experimental studies investigating the processing of presupposed content. Both studies employ the German additive particle auch (too). In the first study, participants were given a questionnaire containing bi-clausal, ambiguous sentences with 'auch' in the second clause. The presupposition introduced by auch was only satisfied on one of the two readings of the sentence, and this reading corresponded to a syntactically dispreferred parse of the sentence. The prospect of having the auch-presupposition satisfied made participants choose this syntactically dispreferred reading more frequently than in a control condition. The second study used the self-paced-reading paradigm and compared the reading times on clauses containing auch, which differed in whether the presupposition of auch was satisfied or not. Participants read the clause more slowly when the presupposition was not satisfied. It is argued that the two studies show that presuppositions play an important role in online sentence comprehension and affect the choice of syntactic analysis. Some theoretical implications of these findings for semantic theory and dynamic accounts of presuppositions as well as for theories of semantic processing are discussed.
This paper examines the development of periphrastic constructions involving auxiliary "have" and "be" with a past participle in the history of English, on the basis of parsed electronic corpora. It is argued that the two constructions represented distinct syntactic and semantic structures: while the one with have developed into a true perfect in the course of Middle English, the one with be remained a stative resultative throughout its history. In this way, it is explained why the be construction was rarely or never used in a number of contexts, including past counterfactuals, iteratives, duratives, certain kinds of infinitives and various other utterance types that cannot be characterized as perfects of result. When the construction with have became a true perfect, it was used in such contexts, regardless of the identity of the main verb, leading to the appearance of have with verbs like come which had previously only taken be. Crucially, however, have was not spreading at the expense of be, as the be perfect had never been used in such contexts, but rather at the expense of the old simple past. At least until the end of the Early Modern English period, the shift in the relative frequency of have and be perfects is to be explained in terms of the expansion of the former into new contexts, while the latter remained stable. A formal analysis is proposed, taking as its starting point a comparison with German which shows that the older English be perfect indeed behaves more like the German stative passive than its haben and sein perfects.
Die Zeitschrift Pandaemonium Germanicum erscheint zweimal jährlich und versteht sich als Forum für die wissenschaftliche Diskussion in den verschiedenen Bereichen der internationalen Germanistik, nämlich der Literatur- und Übersetzungswissenschaft, Linguistik, DaF und Kulturstudien. Die Zeitschrift wird von der deutschen Abteilung der FFLCH-USP (Universität São Paulo) seit 1997 herausgegeben und will zur Verbreitung unveröffentlichter Forschungen von GermanistInnen aus Brasilien und anderen Ländern, sowie zur Förderung des Dialogs zwischen der Germanistik und anderen Wissensbereichen beitragen.
In a recent contribution to a long-standing discussion in semantics as to whether the neo-Davidsonian analysis should be extended to stative predicates or not, Maienborn (2004, 2005) proposes to distinguish two types of statives; one of them is said to have a referential argument of the Davidsonian type, the other not. As one of her arguments for making such a distinction, Maienborn observes that manner modification seems to be supported only by certain statives but to be excluded by others (thus linking the issue to the use of manner modification as one major argument in favour of event semantics, cf. Parsons 1990). In this paper, it is argued that the absence of manner modification with Maienborn's second group of statives is actually due to a failure of conceptual construal: modification of a predicate is ruled out whenever its internal conceptual structure is too poor to provide a construal for the modifier; hence, the effects observed by Maienborn reduce to the fact that eventive predicates have a more complex conceptual substructure than stative ones. Hence, the issue of manner modification with statives is shown to be orthogonal to questions of logical form and event semantics. The explanatory power of the conceptual approach is demonstrated with a case study on predicates of light emission, adapting the representation format of Barsalou's (1992) frame model.
This paper investigates the semantic underpinnings of the distinction between two syntactic types of "manner of movement" verbs in Levin (1993), namely the RUN and ROLL classes. According to Levin's (1993) and Levin & Rappaport's (1995) work on unaccusativity, a semantic factor of "internal causation" should be the trigger for the classification of a movement verb as intransitive (=not-unaccusative), and hence for its belonging to the RUN class. We point out empirical problems for this characterisation, mainly coming from the different readings of the German verb fliegen (fly). From a comparison with other semantically similar verbs, we conclude that the semantic description which underlies the class distinction should be refined: instead of "internal causation", the crucial semantic factor is described here as "inherent specification for a momentum of movement". This result indicates that forces, and relations between forces, have to be part of the semantic description of the manner component in movement verbs.
Das Ziel dieses Artikels ist es nicht, alle theoretisch-methodischen Wege zu beschreiben, die sich dem Thema "der Werbetext und seine Translation" gewidmet haben. Umso mehr sei unser Ziel die Übersetzungsanalyse eines konkreten Werbetextes, welcher von mehreren StudentInnen auf eine unterschiedliche Art und Weise übersetzt wurde.
It has often been noticed that one syntactic argument position can be realized by elements which seem to realize different thematic roles. This is notably the case with the external argument position of verbs of change of state which licenses volitional agents, instruments or natural forces/causers, showing the generality and abstractness of the external argument relation. (1) a. John broke the window (Agent) b. The hammer broke the window (Instrument) c. The storm broke the window (Causer) In order to capture this generality, Van Valin & Wilkins (1996) and Ramchand (2003) among others have proposed that the thematic role of the external argument position is in fact underspecified. The relevant notion is that of an effector (in Van Valin & Wilkins) or of an abstract causer/initiator (in Ramchand). In this paper we argue against a total underspecification of the external argument relation. While we agree that (1b) does not instantiate an instrument theta role in subject position, we argue that a complete underspecification of the external theta-position is not feasible, but that two types of external theta roles have to be distinguished, Agents and Causers. Our arguments are based on languages where Agents and Causers show morpho-syntactic independence (section 2.1) and the behavior of instrument subjects in English, Dutch, German and Greek (section 2.2 and 3). We show that instrument subjects are either Agent or Causer like. In section (4) we give an analysis how arguments realizing these thematic notions are introduced into syntax.
Eine Reihe von nicht in Kodifikationen des Standards aufgenommenen sprachlichen Mustern wird im Blick auf ihre Karrieren in verschiedenen mündlichen und schriftlichen Texten in einer Flut von Veröffentlichungen thematisiert, meist in der Hoffnung hier grammatische Entwicklungen und die Basis für eine Orientierung der Grammatikschreibung an der Pragmatik zu entdecken. Im Folgenden soll Sprache nicht „konzeptuell schriftlich“ gedacht und „sozusagen literal idealisiert“ werden. Es soll argumentiert werden für eine einheitliche, mit Sprachgeschichte, ontogenetischem Spracherwerb und Variantenbildung verträgliche Erklärung nicht-standardisierter sprachlicher Muster im Rahmen einer Grammatikalisierungstheorie.