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Um Dynamiken und Netzwerke in den untersuchten Clubszenen und urbanen Räumen Berlins wissenschaftlich erfassen zu können, bedarf es einer multidimensionalen Herangehensweise. Ethnografi sche Methoden sind dabei von größter Bedeutung: teilnehmende Beobachtung im Alltag sowie auf Veranstaltungen vor Ort, fokussierte Gespräche mit Szenegängern und reflektierende Berichte über die eigene Positionierung als Forscherin. Das gesammelte Datenmaterial ist vielfältig: detaillierte Feldnotizen nach jedem Club- oder Barbesuch, aber auch nach relevanten Gesprächen, sei es »face-to-face«, über E-Mail- oder Chatverkehr nehmen den größten Part ein. Bildmaterial wie Plakate, Flyer und selbst gemachte Fotos in Clubs ergänzen das Schriftmaterial auch visuell. Das Verfolgen stadt- und kulturpolitischer Entwicklungen, Beobachtungen sozioökonomischer Gegebenheiten in den jeweiligen Szenen und der Einfl uss urbaner Infrastruktur auf das Ausgehverhalten sind weitere Mosaiksteine, die dazu beitragen, ein möglichst ganzheitliches Bild entstehen zu lassen. Nach der Feldforschungs- und Datenerhebungsphase wird das gesamte Datenmaterial ab Januar 2011 einer qualitativen Analyse unterzogen.
The impact of the end of the Cold War on United States foreign and defense policy in the 1990s is frequently misunderstood within the field of International Relations. On the one hand, it is often assumed that the US was able to achieve a substantial ‘peace dividend’ after finally claiming victory over the Soviet Union. Yet it is also common for scholars to see the early potential for a more peaceful international order after the cessation of Cold War hostilities as having been frustrated by a series of unexpected events during the 1990s. On the other hand, scholars who focus on understanding contemporary developments and the prosecution of US foreign and defense policy in the Global War on Terror often restrict their analysis to the unfolding of recent events, rather than critically investigating the roots of contemporary US defense policy, which lie in the years immediately following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War in 1989. This thesis puts forward the notion that the contemporary parameters of US security policy can only be fully understood when they are placed within a broader analytical narrative that incorporates the politics of US defense policymaking during the late-1980s, as well as the decade following the end of the Cold War. In doing so, it suggests two key factors not sufficiently highlighted in the existing literature. The first is that analyzing how US ‘defense coalitions’ are formed, which conditions facilitate their influence on the defense policy agenda, and what the consequences of this are for US security strategy is crucial to understanding the intense political struggles that inform US threat perception, strategic planning, and the development of major weapons systems. Building on earlier theories of the Military-Industrial Complex, the concept of defense coalitions establishes greater analytical leverage for providing a compelling account of the dynamics of change and continuity in US defense policy during the 1990s. The second factor is the importance of studying the use of rhetorical action, which is aimed at the construction of an overarching security narrative, for understanding how political entrepreneurs within the US defense policy community have sought to shape the post-Cold War defense policy agenda. In sum, the thesis argues that political elites who were committed to the maintenance of a high volume of US defense spending in ‘peacetime’ were able to shape how external events were interpreted within the defense policy community, in order to construct a new overarching security narrative that helped to legitimize their policy goals.
Interview with Dario Azzellini, author of The Business of War and the new documentary film, Comuna Under Construction. What is it about Venezuela that is so interesting? Since 2003 I have practically lived in Venezuela. What motivates me is that I am interested in the social transformation process happening here. It’s a different type of revolution, a new left that draws from all the experiences of the 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s. ...
In den letzten Jahrzehnten hat vor allem die Frage nach der Übernahme der (Staats-)Macht für Kontroversen innerhalb der Linken gesorgt. Ob der Staat übernommen wird, bis zu einem bestimmten Punkt mit staatlichen Institutionen zusammengearbeitet werden solle oder doch lieber jede Kooperation vermieden werden müsse, war ein zentraler Streitpunkt. Die Wahl verschiedener linker Regierungen in Lateinamerika, vor allem die Fälle Venezuelas und Boliviens, spielen eine zentrale Rolle. Mit der Wahl von Hugo Chávez zum Präsidenten Venezuelas und seiner Amtsübernahme Anfang 1999 begann ein Prozess wirksamer und auf eine sehr breite linke Bewegung gründender sozialer Transformationen, der die Linke zwingt, bestimmte tradierte Konzepte neu zu denken.
La musique et le rêve
(2010)
Adorno, in his posthumous work Beethoven. Philosophy of music, grasps the deep relationship between music and dream: “we are in music, as well as we are in dream”. Music is the coming of a non-intentional truth, that is never caught by images and words. In the same way, dream follows the logic of a non-giudicatory synthesis and is incompatible with the category of dialectical totality: in dream, truth announces her-self as it fades out. According to Adorno, the dimension of opening typical to dream and music collides with the pretension of philosophical discourse that aims at the total revelation.
Le cadre du programme interdisciplinaire de recherche défini par Max Horkheimer dans les années 1930 doit beaucoup à Erich Fromm, qui a introduit la psychologie sociale dans la Théorie critique de la société. Or, une décennie plus tard, Fromm est la cible privilégiée des attaques et sa théorie apparaît désormais comme incompatible avec les positions défendues par Horkheimer et Adorno. Partant de ces tensions qui ont marqué l’histoire de l’École de Francfort, le présent article vise à éclaircir le déplacement qu’elles traduisent sur le plan épistémologique. Si Horkheimer et Fromm partagent des prémisses communes, le premier, dans son travail avec Adorno, se rapproche de manière croissante de la doctrine freudienne alors que le second s’en éloigne. Nous voudrions montrer que l’accord entre Fromm et Horkheimer fut surtout négatif puisqu’il portait sur la critique de Freud : les divergences entre les deux penseurs apparaissent clairement, dès lors qu’on pose en profondeur la question de l’usage de la psychanalyse pour analyser l’un des problèmes centraux de la théorie de la société, l’antagonisme entre individu et société.
In seinem Buch "Interview und dokumentarische Methode. Anleitungen für die Forschungspraxis" erklärt der Erziehungswissenschaftler Arnd-Michael NOHL, wie die dokumentarische Methode für die Interpretation von Interviews fruchtbar gemacht werden kann. Sein zentraler Gedanke besagt, der Prozess der Forschung solle in Stufen erfolgen: von der Stufe der "formulierenden Interpretation" über die der "reflektierenden Interpretation" bis zur Stufe der "Typenbildung". In Bezug auf die Frage, wie ein Forschungsprozess organisiert werden kann, scheint das ein sinnvolles Verfahren zu sein. Das zentrale Problem der Deutung von "Äußerungen" bzw. "Sequenzen" bleibt bei NOHL jedoch weitgehend unbehandelt.
As an exemplum of that kind of “modern” art, in terms of Adorno, Kafka’s work is marked not only by its strictly “realistic” character, but also by the unavoidable critical and testimonial value of that realism. According to this perspective, both in Adorno and in Benjamin the testimonial aspect of Kafkian writing – that is of a writing as “dialectical image”, as memory of the unfullfilled possibility – it’s all the same not with its symbolical or “epiphanical” aspect but instead with its “allegorical” one.
Starting from Warburg, the distinguishing mark of an image, considered as identity-difference of visible and invisible, is its offering itself as an implementation of a temporality, and at the same time of a memory that is immanent in the sensible structure of the image. It’s what we find both in Benjamin and in Adorno: in both cases, it is just because the image is marked by a “internal time” that it is able to have a critical function towards reality, and at the same time an utopian character that is all the same with its non-renounceable testimonial task.
This study points out the methodological centrality assumed by the notion of “physiognomy”, both in Benjamin and in Adorno, namely the idea that the forms of the works of art, and generally those of the visual phenomena, are direct “expression”, in a micro-monadological way, of an historical-social sense, not otherwise attainable. On the one hand Benjamin’s physiognomy shows a particular interpretative “openness” to its objects, on the other that of Adorno remains subjected to an epistemological model of “totality”, from the Hegelian-Marxian tradition, which risks compromising the hermeneutic efficacy of its own original philosophical approach.