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While it is extraordinarily difficult to theoretically specify privacy, in the last 100 years or so (social) psychology, philosophy, communication studies, economics, and, to a lesser degree, also sociology and anthropology, provided attempts to conceptualize its meaning. Be that as it may, from the 1960s onwards privacy discourse has focused upon data, understood as “personal information”, to a certain extent because of the advent of huge databases and information and communication technologies (ICTs). Influential scholarship at the present time tends to conceive of ICT-related privacy in terms of the “sociotechnical”, thus highlighting the interlocking of human and technical agency. Although having developed a manifold of instruments to research sociotechnical phenomena, STS engagement with sociotechnical privacy, so far, has been rather low-key. In our contribution we therefore provide a mapping of the research landscape, identify connecting factors between STS and sociotechnical privacy research, and calling for further STS contributions.
The volume under review contains the published proceedings of a conference held in 2009 with the challenging title, "Merowingische Monetarmünzen und der Beginn des Mittelalters". These Merovingian "Monetarmünzen" are a distinctive group of coins of which less than 10 000 are currently known. Quite suddenly, in the late sixth century, this type of gold coinage appears, with the name of a moneyer ( monetarius ) on the obverse and the place name on the reverse (presumably, but not necessarily in all instances, the mint). Thus, over a thousand moneyers and 722 place names are recorded, many only attested once or twice. In the late 7 th c. these coins slowly give way to a system based on the silver penny/denier, no longer showing names of moneyers. Who were these moneyers? What was their relationship with the court and the kings? To what ends were those coins produced, and how were they used in daily commerce? Why are so many different mints attested? These questions have occupied scholars for several generations now. However, Jarnut and Strothmann have added a new perspective: in how far are these coinages and the associated monetary policy a continuation of late Roman practices, or do they represent something altogether different and can, therefore, be understood as an expression of a fundamentally altered society that could be termed medieval? ...
With Architecture Since 1400 another volume has been added to the list of authoritative surveys of architectural history published in recent years. With 30 bit-like chapters and some 300 illustrations, this book is an ambitious attempt to write a global history of architecture that focuses on the arrival of modernity. The central idea of this survey is the shift away from the Weberian approach that views modernization as emanating from the West. Instead, in this book modern architecture is rewritten according to a global approach that allows for multiple perspectives in a multipolar world. This decentring approach is also pivotal for other parts of the book. For example, there is the much-needed effort to include women in the canon. In addition, the author exchanges a stylistic history for a social history and combines this with a narrative that maps the agents of the built environment, thus complementing the narrative of the genius-architect with that of the role played by clients, patrons and critics. In this way, Lina Bo Bardi or Zaha Hadid not only take their place next to Le Corbusier or Brunelleschi, but in addition Eleanor of Toledo is mentioned as an influential sixteenth-century ruler next to her husband Cosimo I, and Hardwick Hall in England is now considered the outcome of the cooperation between the architect Robert Smythson and the landowner Bess of Hardwick.
Many Zanjian settlements (8th to 13th centuries AD) on Tanzania’s coast are considered to have collapsed and not regarded as belonging to the formation of the Swahili culture (13th to 16th centuries AD). With this regard, Swahili traditions found on Tanzania’s coast are seldom linked to local Zanjian precursors but to external influence especially from Lamu archipelago on the Kenya coast. Nevertheless, new archaeological evidences from Pangani Bay on the northern coast of Tanzania suggest that the external influences to cultural continuity and change from Zanjian to Swahili periods are overemphasized. This conclusion is grounded on archaeological field works conducted in the surrounding of Pangani Bay in 2010 and 2012, where major Swahili sites directly overlie Zanjian sites without recognizable changes of the cultural materials. The study compares and contrasts cultural materials (in particular pottery) and remains of economy and trade (fauna and glass beads) traditions from both Zanjian and Swahili phases. The aim of this comparative analysis is to trace change and continuity of archaeological traditions for better understanding the origin of Swahili culture in Pangani Bay.
In this endeavour, the analysis of ceramic, faunal remains and glass beads from Pangani Bay proposes negligible differences of materials and economical traditions from the late 1st to 2nd millennia AD. That is, local ceramic styles by Swahilis show only minor differences to those used by their ancestors, while fauna data suggest a similarity in subsistence economy between Zanjian and Swahili periods. Correspondingly, glass bead data indicate that although maritime trade became highly sophisticated during Swahili time, early involvement into oceanic far distance trade contact began in the Zanjian period. Thus, this thesis conveys all issues together. It presents research objectives, field work methods as well as analysis and interpretation of the results, with a main focus on ceramic, fauna and bead data. With the support of archaeological evidences, the current work concludes that there is more continuity than change in most of the Zanjian traditions that facilitated the origin of Swahili culture in Pangani Bay.