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Small businesses face major challenges to becoming more innovative. These challenges are particularly prevalent in emerging economies where high uncertainties are a barrier to innovation. We know from previous studies that linkages to universities, on the one hand, and public procurement, on the other, support large and innovative firms in their efforts to become more innovative. However, we do not know whether these positive effects also hold true for small businesses. In this paper, we focus on how policy strategies reducing information, market and financial uncertainties shape small businesses’ innovation in China. Based on a sample of 926 small businesses derived from the World Bank Enterprises Survey in China (2012), we find that university-industry linkages enhance innovation, though only when it comes to minor forms of innovation. In line with the resource-based view of the firm, this effect is stronger for small businesses with higher capabilities. Moreover, we show that bidding for or delivering contracts to public sector clients has a positive effect on innovation, and in particular of major forms of innovation. In the bidding selection process, private firms and firms with higher capabilities are selected. Our findings show that both policy strategies have enhanced innovation, though with different effects on the degree of novelty. We attribute this finding to the different degrees of uncertainties they address.
China’s law to control international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) has sent shockwaves through international non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society and expert communities as the epitome of a worldwide trend of closing civic spaces. Since the Overseas NGO Management Law was enacted in January 2017, its implementation has seen mixed effects and diverging patterns of adaptation among Chinese party-state actors at the central and local levels and among domestic NGOs and INGOs. To capture the formal and informal dynamics underlying their mutual interactions in the longer term, this article employs a theory of institutional change inspired by Elinor Ostrom’s distinction between rules-in-form versus rules-in-use and identifies four scenarios for international civil society in China – “no change,” “restraining,” “recalibrating” and “reorienting.” Based on interviews, participant observation and Chinese policy documents and secondary literature, the respective driving forces, plausibility, likelihood and longer-term implications of each scenario are assessed. It is found that INGOs’ activities are increasingly affected by the international ambitions of the Chinese party-state, which enmeshes both domestic NGOs and INGOs as agents in its diplomatic efforts to redefine civil society participation on a global scale.
The influence and power of some OECD states is under threat but China appears to remain astonishingly flexible, economically potent, and politically strong. How accurate is this view? To answer this question, major aspects of Chinese economic regulation that were adopted in the country’s progress towards capitalist modernization are examined. The analysis requires a historical reconstruction of how China changed the way it intervenes economically and politically, especially with regard to the institutions of the central state. Such a reconstruction reveals that, since the 1990s, the central state has indeed increased its steering capacities. These capacities have a distinctive basis that includes acceptance of a state-centered approach, idiosyncratic innovation policies taking place in the "shadow" of the state’s hierarchy, and the ongoing influence of the communist party. An all-embracing controlling power is, however, not detectable. What does exist in China’s competition-driven system of “statecapitalist” regulation, is a set of limits on the state’s capacity to govern.
Türkisch-russische Zentralasienpolitik : geopolitische Rivalität oder strategische Partnerschaft?
(2020)
Die türkisch-russische Geschichte ist eine Geschichte der Rivalitäten. Sie wird wegen 15 Kriege zwischen den beiden Staaten als konflikthaft bezeichnet. Ihren 1. Krieg führten die beiden Staaten wegen Zentralasien, um das Khanat Astrachan (1568–1570). Der Untersuchungszeitraum dieser Dissertation erstreckt sich von diesem Datum bis zum Ende 2019. In diesem Zeitraum rivalisierten die Türkei und Russland geopolitisch in Zentralasien. Diese Arbeit konzentriert sich auf die türkisch-russische Zentralasienpolitik, bzw. darauf, wie die Türkei und Russland auf ihre gegenseitige Zentralasienpolitik reagieren, warum sie in Zentralasien geopolitisch rivalisieren (1. Forschungsfrage) und ob in Zukunft eine türkisch-russische strategische Partnerschaft in Zentralasien möglich ist (2. Forschungsfrage). Politikwissenschaftlich sind diese Fragen von großer Relevanz, weil eine mögliche türkisch-russische strategische Partnerschaft die gesamten Machtverhältnisse der Welt verändern würde.
This dissertation explores the breadth and variation of authoritarian counter-terrorism strategies and their legitimacy-related origins to challenge prevailing assumptions in Terrorism Studies. Research and analysis are conducted in the form of a Structured Focused Comparison of domestic counter-terrorism strategies in two electoral autocracies. The first case is Russia’s domestic engagement against a mix of ethno-separatist and Islamist terrorism emanating from its North Caucasus republics between 1999 and 2018. The second case is China’s engagement vis-à-vis a similar type of terrorism in its Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region between 1990 and 2018.
The comparison shows that, contrary to prevailing assumptions, the two strategies differ immensely from one another while containing significant if not predominant non-coercive elements. It further shows that the two strategies are closely related to the two states’ sources and resources of legitimacy, both in their original motivation to tackle the terrorist threat and in the design of counter-terrorism strategies. Drawing on David Beetham’s theory of The Legitimation of Power and on the Comparative Politics, Terrorism Studies and Civil War literatures, the dissertation explores the influence of five sources and (re)sources of legitimacy on the two counter-terrorism strategies: responsiveness, performance legitimacy, ideology, discursive power and co-optation. While governmental discursive power is discarded as a source of variation, findings are significant with respect to the influence of ideology and performance legitimacy. Reliance on ideology or related patterns for legitimation raise vulnerability to terrorism and constrain or facilitate the adoption of communicative and preventive measures that accommodate the grievances of potentially defective or even violently terrorist groups. Performance legitimacy is a key motivator in counter-terrorism and an influence on certain types of counter-terrorism policies. Responsiveness and co-optation are identified as potential sources of variation, based on idiosyncratic concurrence with policy choices.
A decorated pair of trousers excavated from a well-preserved tomb in the Tarim Basin proved to have a highly informative life history, teased out by the authors – with archaeological, historical and art historical dexterity. Probably created under Greek influence in a Bactrian palace, the textile started life in the third/second century BC as an ornamental wall hanging, showing a centaur blowing a war-trumpet and a nearly life-size warrior of the steppe with his spear. The palace was raided by nomads, one of whom worked a piece of the tapestry into a pair of trousers. They brought no great luck to the wearer who ended his days in a massacre by the Xiongnu, probably in the first century BC. The biography of this garment gives a vivid glimpse of the dynamic life of Central Asia at the end of the first millennium.
We study risk taking in a panel of subjects in Wuhan, China - before, during the COVID-19 crisis, and after the country reopened. Subjects in our sample traveled for semester break in January, generating variation in exposure to the virus and quarantine in Wuhan. Higher exposure leads subjects to reduce planned risk taking, risky investments, and optimism. Our findings help unify existing studies by showing that aggregate shocks affect general preferences for risk and economic expectations, while heterogeneity in experience further affect risk taking through beliefs about individuals’ own outcomes such as luck and sense of control.
JEL Classification: G50, G51, G11, D14, G41
We report the results of a longitudinal intervention with students across five universities in China designed to reduce online consumer debt. Our research design allocates individuals to either a financial literacy treatment, a self-control training program, or a zero-touch control group. Financial education interventions improve test scores on general financial literacy but only marginally affect future online borrowing. Our self-control treatment features detailed tracking of spending and borrowing activity with a third-party app and introspection about individuals' consumption with a counselor. These sessions reduce future online borrowing, delinquency charges, and borrowing for entertainment reasons - and are driven by the male subjects in the sample. Our results suggest that self-regulation can affect financial behavior in e-commerce platforms.
Local crowding out in China
(2019)
In China, between 2006 and 2013, local public debt crowded out the investment of private firms by tightening their funding constraints, while leaving state-owned firms’ investment unaffected. We establish this result using a purpose-built dataset for Chinese local public debt. Private firms invest less in cities with more public debt, the reduction in investment being larger for firms located farther from banks in other cities or more dependent on external funding. Moreover, in cities where public debt is high, private firms’ investment is more sensitive to internal cash flow, also when cash-flow sensitivity is estimated jointly with the probability of being credit-constrained.
The African continent is regularly portrayed as an indolent space with a well-known reputation as a chaotic continent. Viewed as lacking vision, means and capacities, Africa is perceived at best as a place that is marked by a permanent status quo, stagnation, or in worst case scenarios, as a declining continent. Various references to the continent are synonymous with famine, poverty, war, etc. Such portrayals are all the more intriguing given that the continent is known for its abundant natural resources, such as timber, oil, natural gas, minerals, etc., whose reserves are, moreover, not well known both by the African people and their leaders. As a result, there is still much progress to be made in tapping into the resources in order to improve the daily lives of African citizens.
In such a context dominated by infantile carelessness throughout the continent, the interventions of actors from outside the continent are the only hopes of bringing some vitality to this continent which is cloaked in "la grande nuit – the great darkness" (Mbembé 2013). Thus during the main sequences of recent history, representing different forms of Western penetration and activity on the African continent (slavery, imperialism, colonization), all the Western world’s contributions have obviously not sufficed to boost Africa and take it out of its never ending childhood. It has remained just as passive and apathetic today as it was yesterday.
The attraction of Asian actors to the continent is even more recent. And consistent with its abovementioned indolence, Africa is seen as an easy and defenceless prey for the Korean, Japanese, Indian, Malaysian, or Chinese conquerors. In the latter case, the insatiable appetite for natural resources whose reserves are being rapidly depleted is the cornerstone of their foreign aid policy. This led China to colonize the continent, showing a preference for Pariah Regimes which held no appeal for the West, by sending an army of workers to extract those resources (Lum et al. 2009), in defiance of all national and international regulations and based on completely opaque contracts.
Although the concept of African Agency was rapidly developed in several African countries, the aim of this study was more specific to Cameroon’s mining sector in which different entrepreneurs from abroad got involved over time. The thesis investigates whether indigenous citizens took part in any way in the development of mining projects in the country. Thus, the work assesses and analyses actions and reactions initiated and undertaken by local people in the context of China’s presence within Cameroon’s mining sector to promote and advance their interests over those of foreign investors. In addition, the author has no knowledge of any other study investigating African Agency in the mining sector as a whole in Cameroon.
In conducting this study, a multi-method research framework was developed including a series of methods used to collect data and analyse concepts of African Agency associated Political Ecology as they developed within Cameroon’s mining sector. Specifically, those methods comprised quantitative research when it came to collecting data using a positivist and empirical approach constructed by deducing evidence from statistical data collected by means of the 167 questionnaire surveys administered to local inhabitants and workers randomly selected on mining sites and in riparian communities. The questionnaires helped to capture Cameroonians' perceptions of the recent phenomenon of the gradual but significant influx of international actors and precisely Chinese players in the mining sector on the one hand, and on the other hand, observational data was collected across the GVC as developed in the Betare-Oya region. As a complement to the former technique, qualitative methods helped to study and deepen understanding of human behaviour and the social world in a holistic perspective through individual interviews, focus groups, and direct observations on the ground. In addition, the spatial analysis method based on the land use classification technique served to detect changes to land use/land cover that have been brought on by mechanised mining activities undertaken in this region. The sequencing of data collected and their processing from a ground theory perspective led to the formulation and specification of Cameroon’s Ecological Agency theory.
One of the earliest steps of this work consisted in a literature review and in placing the African Agency concept in a broader context. It then led to the state of the art, specifications about research content of the work and the main theories undergirding this thesis. Before examining developments that emerged during the last decade, a historical perspective was provided to the topic in order to show how African societies started mining operations and how they dealt with foreign partners interested in their mining resources. The aim was to show that while Western imperialism presented a challenge for the sector, it did not erase local participation, even despite the constraints associated with such involvement.
...
Die am Wochenende beschlossene Verfassungsänderung gibt Chinas Präsident Xi Jinping die Möglichkeit auf Lebenszeit im Amt zu bleiben. Das wird als Zeichen des wachsenden Autoritarismus und Xis zunehmender Macht gewertet. Doch ein genauerer Blick lässt zweifeln: Die Entscheidung ist eher Ausdruck von Zukunftssorgen und Selbstzweifeln der Regierenden in Peking.
Two decades after the predicted “end of ideology”, we are observing a re-emphasis on party ideology under Hu Jintao. The paper looks into the reasons for and the factors shaping the re-formulation of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) ideology since 2002 and assesses the progress and limits of this process. Based on the analysis of recent elite debates, it is argued that the remaking of ideology has been the consequence of perceived challenges to the legitimacy of CCP rule. Contrary to many Western commentators, who see China’s successful economic performance as the most important if not the only source of regime legitimacy, Chinese party theorists and scholars have come to regard Deng Xiaoping’s formula of performance-based legitimacy as increasingly precarious. In order to tackle the perceived “performance dilemma” of party rule, the adaptation and innovation of party ideology is regarded as a crucial measure to relegitimize CCP rule.
For more than two decades, the National Planning Office for Philosophy and Social Sciences (NPOPSS) has been managing official funding of social science research in China under the orbit of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC) propaganda system. By focusing on “Major Projects”, the most prestigious and well-funded program initiated by the NPOPSS in 2004, this contribution outlines the political and institutional ramifications of this line of official funding and attempts to identify larger shifts during the past decade in the “ideologics” of official social science research funding – the changing ideological circumscriptions of research agendas in the more narrow sense of echoing party theory and rhetoric and – in the broader sense – of adapting to an increasingly dominant official discourse of cultural and national self-assertion. To conclude, this article offers reflections on the potential repercussions of these shifts for international academic collaboration.
Mobilizations in defence of ‘companion animals’ have become major sites of contestation in Chinese society in recent years. They often reject the existing ambiguity between the use of these animals as pets and as meat, demanding unambiguous respect for and protection of dogs. However, in a society where inequalities are as significant as in China, where the level of poverty, sickness, and environmental and industrial tragedies appears overwhelming, one may ask how pets’ destinies have become such a symbolic focus and source of occasional fury – for both Chinese and foreign audiences. Taking this question seriously, this article aims to examine such mobilizations in China – demanding the protection of dogs – as a starting point to theoretically unwrap the more general problem of how the perception of certain beings as ‘weak’ and as deserving the protection of society is socially constructed, and what the related choices imply. I argue that to better understand these mobilizations to protect dogs, we should not separate the focus of the calls for protection from the social web of relationships and oppositions in which they are entrenched.
Am 27. Dezember 2015 verabschiedete der Ständige Ausschuss des Nationalen Volkskongresses das erste Antiterrorgesetz in der Geschichte der Volksrepublik China (VRC). Damit wurde eine über 25 Jahre erarbeitete umfangreiche Antiterrorstrategie zu Papier gebracht und mit ihr endlich eine verbindliche rechtliche Definition von „Terrorismus.“ Bereits gängige Praktiken wie öffentliche Medienzensur oder die Verpflichtung von Telekommunikationsunternehmen und Internetprovidern zur Bereitstellung von Inhaltsdaten wurden formalisiert und verschärft, sowie auch die Mobilisierung zivilgesellschaftlicher Organisationen auf eine rechtliche Grundlage gestellt. Allerdings stellt das Gesetz nur den finalen, formalen Schritt einer fünfundzwanzigjährigen Entwicklung dar. Tatsächlich kämpft Beijing seit Anfang der 1990er Jahre in der Provinz Xinjiang mit einer Mischung aus separatistisch und islamistisch motivierter politischer Gewalt, an deren Spitze seit spätestens 2008 das East Turkestan Independence Movement (ETIM) steht. ETIM weist ideell und organisatorisch eine Nähe zu Al Qaeda auf, und arbeitet transnational mit der Islamischen Bewegung Usbekistans, Tehrik-i-Taliban (Pakistan) und der al-Nusra Front (Syrien) zusammen...
Seitdem im Juli die Schiedsentscheidung über die Territorialkonflikte im südchinesischen Meer gefällt wurde, wird in Zeitungen und Blogs intensiv darüber diskutiert, wie diese Entscheidung einzuordnen ist und welche Folgen sich daraus ergeben. Das Schiedsgericht hat nicht über Fragen der Souveränität selbst entschieden, sondern über die rechtlichen Grundlagen, aus denen Souveränitätsansprüche abgeleitet werden können. In diesem Zusammenhang hatte das Gericht die interessante Frage zu klären, inwieweit die durch China angeführten „historischen Rechte“ geeignet sind, einen Gebietsanspruch zu begründen. Klar ist, dass der Schiedsspruch nicht geeignet ist, den Konflikt zu beenden. China hat von Beginn an deutlich gemacht, dass es das Verfahren weder anerkennen noch sich daran beteiligen würde und hat daher schließlich auch die Entscheidung als rechtwidrig abgelehnt. Die Funktion des Verfahrens ist daher auch weniger die Konfliktlösung, die es nicht leisten kann, als vielmehr das Herausarbeiten einer rechtlich gerechtfertigten Position....
Am 12. Juli wurde vom Internationalen Schiedshof das Urteil im Streit zwischen den Philippinen und der VR China verkündet. Der Schiedshof erklärte, dass große Teile der chinesischen Ansprüche im Südchinesischen Meer null und nichtig sind, da sie einer rechtlichen Grundlage entbehren. Dies betrifft zunächst die auf der sog. nine-dash line basierenden Ansprüche. Dabei handelt es sich um eine aus den 1940er Jahren stammende Karte mit neun unterbrochenen Strichen, mittels derer China seit Jahrzehnten die äußeren Grenzen seiner nicht näher bestimmten historischen Rechte auf große Teile des Südchinesischen Meeres begründet. Gefallen sind auch die Ansprüche auf eine bis zu 200 Seemeilen umfassende ausschließliche Wirtschaftszone (Exclusive Economic Zone; EEZ) in den Spratly-Inseln und rund um Scarborough Shoal im Norden des südchinesischen Meeres, weil diesen vom Gericht der Inselstatus abgesprochen wurde. Der Verlust dieser Rechte wiederum hat zur Folge, dass die chinesische Besetzung mehrerer Riffe und Atolle als illegal eingestuft wird, weil sie innerhalb der ausschließlichen Wirtschaftszone EEZ der Philippinen liegen....
Es war nur eine Fußnote in der deutschen Medienlandschaft: Die USA, genau genommen deren Wirtschafts- und Handelsministerium, verlängern den Vertrag mit ICANN über die Ausübung der IANA-Funktionen. Es hätte mehr Aufmerksamkeit verdient, denn hinter dieser kleinen Meldung verbirgt sich ein Kampf um die zukünftige Kontrolle des Internets...
Es gibt Neuigkeiten von Chinas bekanntestem Dissidenten und Künstler Ai Weiwei. Aber dieses Mal ist es nicht die chinesische Regierung, die sich Fragen stellen lassen muss, sondern die britische. Denn Ai erhielt kein 6-Monatsvisum, weil er „straffällig“ sei. Doch der Künstler wurde niemals angeklagt. Was steckt hinter der Verweigerung? Ein Kommentar.
The pressure on tax haven countries to engage in tax information exchange shows first effects on capital markets. Empirical research suggests that investors do react to information exchange and partially withdraw from previous secrecy jurisdictions that open up to information exchange. While some of the economic literature emphasizes possible positive effects of tax havens, the present paper argues that proponents of positive effects may have started from questionable premises, in particular when it comes to the effects that tax havens have for emerging markets like China and India.
Seit einigen Jahren wird in den IB über die künftige Rolle Chinas in der Weltpolitik diskutiert. Insbesondere seit die Turbulenzen im Weltfinanzsystem Amerika und Europa in die Krise gestürzt haben, zeigen sich große Teile der Öffentlichkeit besorgt über den wachsenden Einfluss der Volksrepublik. Aber wie wird sich China entwickeln? Eine Sammelrezension mehrerer 2011 zu diesem Thema erschienener Bücher.
Mit dem machtpolitischen Aufstieg Chinas treten Weltregionen in den Fokus, die in unseren Breitengraden vormals eher am Rande wahrgenommen wurden – insbesondere Asien. Neben der gestiegenen weltpolitischen Bedeutung eröffnen sich auch akademisch spannende Perspektiven, wie unlängst die zweite Global South Caucus Konferenz der ISA in Singapur zeigte.
Der chinesische Schriftsteller Liao Yiwu erhält in diesen Minuten in der Frankfurter Paulskirche den Friedenspreis des Deutschen Buchhandels. Mit Liao wird ein mutiger Mann geehrt, dessen Streben nach Freiheit ihn nicht nur mehrere Jahre in chinesische Gefängnisse, sondern bis an den Rand des Wahnsinns gebracht hat. Ich freue mich, dass Liao Yiwu geehrt wird, denn ich bewundere diesen vielleicht aufrechtesten Verfechter für die Freiheit.
Die Bedeutung staatlicher Souveränität und die Rolle des Staates werden seit einigen Jahren in Politik und Wissenschaft hitzig diskutiert und die Bedeutung staatlicher Souveränität in Frage gestellt: Die veränderten Problemlagen in Zeiten der Globalisierung hätten politische Bewältigungsstrategien notwendig gemacht, die nicht mehr durch intergouvernementale Kooperation zu lösen sei, argumentieren einige. Hinzu kommt der Ruf nach einer Stärkung kosmopolitischer Herrschaft. Doch es gibt auch Hinweise auf gegenteilige Entwicklungen.
Wohin steuert China?
(2012)
Von den deutschen Medien nur am Rande berichtet vollzieht sich in der Volksrepublik China ein Machtkampf innerhalb der Kommunistischen Partei (KPCh). Im Mittelpunkt: Bo Xilai, ehemaliger Parteichef in Chinas größter Stadt, Chongqing. Angesichts der wachsenden Macht Chinas ist verwunderlich, dass die Frage nach der personellen wie inhaltlichen Konsequenzen dieses Prozesses bislang weitgehend ausgespart blieb.
Über die Machtstrukturen der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas, die allmächtig über das Reich der Mitte herrscht, weiß man erstaunlich wenig. In seinem beeindruckend detailreichen Buch „Der rote Apparat“ gelingt es Richard McGregor nun sowohl diese Intransparenz vorzuführen als auch erste Breschen in das Dickicht unserer Unwissenheit zu schlagen.
Wenn die Rede auf China kommt, dann fällt meist sehr schnell ein Name: Ai Weiwei, der bekannteste Gegenwartskünstler des „Reichs der Mitte“. Aber wer ist dieser Mann? Zwei Bücher und ein Film zeichnen ein umfassendes Bild eines beeindruckenden Mannes – unsere „Medien des Monats“ statt eines einzelnen „Buchs des Monats“.
Yang Jisheng, langjähriger Journalist der staatlichen chinesischen Nachrichtenagentur, hat ein erschütterndes Buch über den „Großen Sprung nach vorn“ geschrieben. Millionen ChinesInnen verhungerten 1958-62. Bis heute wird darüber geschwiegen. Nicht so Yang, der mit seinem Buch ein nie da gewesenes Bild der Katastrophe zeichnet und den Toten gedenkend einen „Grabstein“ setzt.
Die Krimkrise lässt nicht nach und jeder Staat scheint eine eigene Agenda zu verfolgen. Wer aber verfolgt seine Agenda so, dass sie am Ende auch erfolgreich ist? Die Krise ist noch nicht ausgestanden, doch eine erste Bestandsaufnahme lässt bereits interessante Schlüsse zu. Russland scheint sich momentan nicht schlecht zu schlagen, in Angesicht eines Westens, der immer noch damit ringt, eine klare Linie zu fahren. Doch der wahre Gewinner der gesamten Auseinandersetzung könnte ein Staat sein, der sich bis jetzt sehr ruhig verhalten hat: China.
With the current conflict in Gaza going full tilt, the usual questions have popped up: Who is to blame, what is everyone’s motivation and strategy, how to stop the bloodshed, how to end the conflict. And as usual, the two-state solution, i.e. two separate, sovereign states within the borders of the 1949 armistice agreement, keeps popping up as a purported solution. This is especially prominent in the statements of politicians in countries not directly involved in the conflict. Countries that at least claim to want to help end the conflict, be it through mediation or other diplomatic measures. But for those countries, the two-state solution has become an idea to hide behind. It does not help solve the conflict, neither in the short- nor mid-term. Clinging to the idea merely prolongs the status quo. However, it does allow the rest of the world to avoid facing the facts, which would force them to reevaluate their position on who to support and actually do something about the conflict as it currently is. But it’s high time we face the music and admit it: The two-state solution is no longer a viable option when it comes to mediating this conflict...
"Wie man in den Wald hineinruft…": die Überraschung über chinesische Hyperschallwaffen ist naiv
(2014)
Letzte Woche hat China ein neues strategisches Trägersystem getestet. Dabei handelte es sich nicht um eine herkömmliche ballistische Rakete, sondern um einen Hyperschall-Flugkörper, der offenbar die zehnfache Schallgeschwindigkeit (etwa 12.350 km/h) erreichte. Die Aufregung in Washington war groß – zumindest in konservativen Kreisen...
Vielfach ist argumentiert worden, China sei einer der Hauptprofiteure von den Enthüllungen des ehemaligen amerikanischen Geheimdienstmitarbeiters Edward Snowden. Amerikas früherer Vizepräsident Dick Cheney sieht in ihm gar einen Spion der Volksrepublik China. Peking wies das sofort zurück. Ein Blick auf die chinesische Diskussion um Edward Snowden zeigt: Nicht nur Cheneys Vermutung schießt deutlich über das Ziel hinaus. Denn die chinesische Führung beobachtet die Entwicklung gleichsam aufmerksam und nervös. Sie fürchtet um ihre eigene Legitimität...
Stability maintenance at the grassroots: China’s weiwen apparatus as a form of conflict resolution
(2013)
This working paper explores the history and potential of “stability maintenance” (weiwen) as a form of conflict resolution in China. Its emphasis on conflict resolution is novel. Previous examinations of the weiwen apparatus have concentrated on its political function, namely to manage resistance within society and maintain the authority of the party-state. This avenue of investigation has proved fruitful as a means of characterising the political motivation and the higher-level strategies involved in stability maintenance. Nonetheless, there remain significant conceptual and empirical gaps relating to how stability maintenance offices and processes actually function, particularly out of larger cities and at local levels. The research described in this paper aims to consider the effectiveness of stability maintenance as a part of the “market” for conflict resolution in local China, and to test the hypothesis that conflict resolution as facilitated by weiwen is the most pragmatic and effective means of actually resolving conflicts in the current Chinese political context, notwithstanding the closeness of the stability maintenance discourse to state authority and its relative distance from rule of law-based methods of dispute resolution...
Rare Earth Elements (REE) have become the new strategic economic weapon for the modern age. Used in the manufacturing of products ranging from mobile phones to jet fighter engines, REEs have become the new “oil” of today in terms of economic and strategic importance. Currently, 95% of REEs mined globally are mined in China, giving China a monopoly on the industry. Deng Xiaoping foresaw the importance of REEs in 1992 when he commented: “as there is oil in the Middle East, there is rare earth in China.” Recently, China temporarily stopped exports of REEs to Japan, the EU and the US as an unofficial response to varying political and economic issues. This stoppage raised concerns as to the dependability of China and REE exports. Using the theory of neo-mercantilism, this paper analyzes China’s actions in the REE market and its subsequent economic and political implications. It concludes with a look at how countries are trying to position themselves away from a dependency on China.
Japan's quest for energy security : risks and opportunities in a changing geopolitical landscape
(2011)
For much of the 20th century, economic growth was fueled by cheap oil-based energy supply. Due to increasing resource constraints, however, the political and strategic importance of oil has become a significant part of energy and foreign policy making in East and Southeast Asian countries. In Japan, the rise of China’s economic and military power is a source of considerable concern. To enhance energy security, the Japanese government has recently amended its energy regulatory framework, which reveals high political awareness of risks resulting from the looming key resources shortage and competition over access. An essential understanding that national energy security is a politically and economically sensitive area with a clear international dimension affecting everyday life is critical in shaping a nation’s energy future.
The emergence of Capitalism is said to always lead to extreme changes in the structure of a society. This view implies that Capitalism is a universal and unique concept that needs an explicit institutional framework and should not discriminate between a German or US Capitalism. In contrast, this work argues that the ‘ideal type’ of Capitalism in a Weberian sense does not exist. It will be demonstrated that Capitalism is not a concept that shapes a uniform institutional framework within every society, constructing a specific economic system. Rather, depending on the institutional environment - family structures in particular - different forms of Capitalism arise. To exemplify this, the networking (Guanxi) Capitalism of contemporary China will be presented, where social institutions known from the past were reinforced for successful development. It will be argued that especially the change, destruction and creation of family and kinship structures are key factors that determined the further development and success of the Chinese economy and the type of Capitalism arising there. In contrast to Weber, it will be argued that Capitalism not necessarily leads to a process of destruction of traditional structures and to large-scale enterprises under rational, bureaucratic management, without leaving space for socio-cultural structures like family businesses. The flexible global production increasingly favours small business production over larger corporations. Small Chinese family firms are able to respond to rapidly changing market conditions and motivate maximum efforts for modest pay. The structure of the Chinese family proved to be very persistent over time and to be able to accommodate diverse economic and political environments while maintaining its core identity. This implies that Chinese Capitalism may be an entirely new economic system, based on Guanxi and the family.
A new species of the basal araneomorph spider genus Ectatosticta (Araneae, Hypochilidae) from China
(2009)
The hypochilid spider Ectatosticta davidi (Simon) is redescribed on the basis of adults from Mt. Taibaishan in Shaanxi Province, China; the specimens from Qinghai Province previously identified as E. davidi by most modern authors belong to a new species described as E. deltshevi. Keywords: Araneae, Araneomorphae, Hypochilidae, Ectatosticta, China