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The paper presents the possibilities for analyzing deverbal derivatives from verbs ending in -ier(en); in many cases these exist as doublets, with the suffix -ung and/or the suffix -(at)ion. Based on selected examples of these doublets, the paper demonstrates how both monolingual and bilingual dictionaries fail to take sufficient account of the semantic differences between such competing forms. The author also presents research questions connected with this issue, and outlines a methodology for addressing these questions based on metalexicographic and corpus analysis; this methodology is demonstrated using the example of the doublet Diskrimination and Diskriminierung
Os seriados televisivos vêm se destacando como opção de lazer bastante recorrente entre pessoas de diferentes faixas etárias, em especial, dentre estudantes. Diante disso, este trabalho tem como objetivo abordar as vantagens do uso de tal material para o ensino de aspectos linguísticos, político-sociais, ideológicos e socioculturais de língua alemã. Trata-se do recorte de uma pesquisa que se encontra ainda em desenvolvimento, no qual destacaremos o seriado Deutschland 83. Ressaltaremos a importância do uso de materiais autênticos para o ensino de línguas e a necessidade do ensino com foco em aspectos da cultura estrangeira. Concluímos que o seriado Deutschland 83 é um material com potencial a ser explorado, permitindo que o aprendiz se aproxime da cultura e língua alemã, ao mesmo tempo em que proporciona ao aluno material para gerar uma reflexão sobre sua própria realidade.
Alternância dativa sob a perspectiva da gramática de construções : uma análise do verbo senden
(2017)
Este trabalho apresenta uma análise da alternância dativa do verbo senden da língua alemã. Os pressupostos teóricos da Gramática de Construções postulados por GOLDBERG (1995) no que concerne aos bitransitivos e suas paráfrases preposicionais e a abordagem da sensitividade ao núcleo verbal de RAPPAPORT HOVAV E LEVIN (2008) são comparados e utilizados como ferramenta de análise do corpus.Por meio deles, analisa-se se as construções constituídas pelo verbo senden e o sintagma preposicional an denotam um evento de posse causada ou de movimento causado. Apresentam-se preceitos abordados por Adler (2011) em seus estudos sobre a alternância dativa na língua alemã, que auxiliam na distinção do evento denotado pela construção. Assim, a pesquisa realizada corrobora as reflexões da autora sobre a nova faceta da preposição an que aparece em verbos de transferência - o addressee-an, sustentando sua argumentação sobre o fato de que não são as variantes do objeto duplo (dativo), ou do sintagma preposicional (no caso, an) as responsáveis pelo evento denotado pela construção, mas sim os argumentos que a constituem. Essa pesquisa também propõe outro tipo de classificação para a análise de verbos da língua alemã que denotam eventos de transferência em orações destituídas de agente volitivo: evento causal como transferência (GOLDBERG 1995), no qual X CAUSA Y (AFETADO)A RECEBER Z (EFEITO).
Carlotta J. Hübener diskutiert in ihrem Beitrag "Nicht/keinen/kein Fußball spielen? - Inkorporationsprozesse in Substantiv-Verb-Verbindungen" Inkorporationprozesse bei Substantiv-Verb-Verbindungen wie bspw. Fußball spielen. Hierbei fokussiert sie auf die Negation: Während kein(en) Fußball spielen einen Hinweis darauf gibt, dass Fußball noch als eigenständiges Substantiv interpretiert wird, ist nicht Fußball spielen ein Indiz dafür, dass Fußball und spielen als eine konzeptionelle Einheit wahrgenommen werden. Kein negiert nämlich Nomen (Ich mag keinen Spinat), während nicht Verben negiert (Ich hab‘ noch nicht gegessen). Hübener überprüft in ihrem Beitrag anhand des Deutschen Referenzkorpus, inwiefern Frequenz, Idiomatik und Individuiertheit Einfluss auf die Negation von Substativ-Verb-Verbindungen nehmen können.
V německých gramatikách i speciálních studiích se často uvádějí prefigovaná slovesa, jako einschlafen, ausziehen aj., jako příklad sloves dokonavých (perfektivních, telických). Na druhé straně atributivním prézentním participiím (Partizip I) z nich tvořeným (einschlafende, ausziehende) se přisuzuje vid pouze nedokonavý. Na základě korpusového výzkumu se v této studii dokazuje, že prézentní atributivní participia mají v německých textech i význam dokonavý, i když se tento význam uplatňuje poměrně zřídka.
Ziel der Untersuchung ist der Erwerb von aspektuellen Markierungen im Bulgarischen. Da Bulgarisch über ein nominales Artikelsystem und über eine verbale Aspektkategorie verfügt, liefert es eine ausgezeichnete Gelegenheit, die Verwendung von nominalen und verbalen Aspektmarkierungen im frühen Spracherwerb aufzuzeigen. Der Artikel präsentiert die Daten aus einer Langzeitstudie und einer experimentellen Testreihe. Die Ergebnisse belegen, dass die bulgarischen Kinder am Anfang vom Prinzip der Aspektkomposition Gebrauch machen. Aspektuell unmarkierte Verben werden durch definite Objekte ergänzt, um begrenzte Handlungen auszudrücken. Der schnelle Erwerb der Aspektmorphologie verschiebt die Gewichtung im Satz von den nominalen zu den verbalen Aspektmarkern. Im Alter von zweieinhalb Jahren beherrschen die bulgarischen Kinder die sprachspezifische syntaktische Anforderung, dass perfektiv markierte Prädikate quantitativ definite Argumente verlangen.
The purpose of this research was to trace the developmental steps in the acquisition of aspectual oppositions in Russian and to examine the validity of the 'aspect before tense' hypothesis for L1-speaking children. Imperfective/perfective verbs and their inflections, as well as aspectual pairs, were analysed in the first five months of verb production (and the respective months in the input) in three children. Additionally, the first four months of verb production were investigated in one boy with less data. Verb forms marked for the past and for the present occur simultaneously in all children. These early forms relate to 'here and now' situations: verbs marked for the past denote 'resultative' events that are perceived by the children as occurring during the speech time or immediately before it, while verbs marked for the present typically denote on-going events. Thus, with early tense oppositions (or tense morphology) children mark aspectual contrasts in the moment of speech: evidence in favour of the 'aspect before tense' hypothesis.
A strong preference in using the perfective aspect for the past and the imperfective aspect for the present events has been found in both adults and children. Further, only very few aspectual pairs were documented within the analysed period (from the onset of verb production to the period when children produce rule-driven inflectional forms). The productive use of the finite forms of perfective and imperfective verbs doesn't concord with the ability of the productive use of the contrastive forms of one lemma. Data suggest that children (start to) learn aspectual forms in an item-based manner. The acquisition of aspectual oppositions (aspectual pairs) is lexically dependent and is guided by the contextual 'thesaurus'. Aspectual pairs are learned in a peace-meal way during much longer, than observed for this article, period of time. Generally, aspect is not learned as a rule, also because there are no (uniform) rules of forming of aspectual pairs, but as the 'satellite' of the inherent lexical meaning of verbs of diverse Aktionsarten.
The issues addressed here are relevant for other Slavic languages, exhibiting the morphological category of aspect.
Modern theorists rarely agree on how to represent the categories of tense and aspect, making a consistent analysis for phenomena, such as the present perfect, more difficult to attain. It has been argued in previous analyses that the variable behavior of the present perfect between languages licenses independently motivated treatments, particularly of a morphosyntactic or semanticsyntactic nature (Giorgi & Pianesi 1997; Schmitt 2001; Ilari 2001). More specifically, the wellknown readings of the American English (AE) present perfect (resultative, experiential, persistent situation, recent past (Comrie 1976)), are at odds with the readings of the corresponding structure in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), the 'pretérito perfeito composto' (default iterativity and occasional duration (Ilari 1999)). Despite these variations, the present work, assuming a tense-aspect framework at the semantic-pragmatic interface, will provide a unified analysis for the present perfect in AE and BP, which have traditionally been treated as semantically divergent. The present perfect meaning, in conjunction with the aspectual class of the predicate, can account for the major differences between languages, particularly regarding iterativity and the "present perfect puzzle", regarding adverb compatibility.
In the present paper, I will argue that even in a language like German, where the verb system does not contain a grammaticized aspect distinction, aspectual features do underlie the early form-function-mapping of verb forms in L1-acquisition. Furthermore, it will be argued that it is not only past tense forms that may receive an aspectual interpretation in early child language but also other forms of the verbal input. In the case of German, these are the forms of the present tense paradigm and the past participle. Showing and discussing various piecesof evidence for this assumption should strengthen the "aspect before tense" or "primacy of aspect" hypothesis. In general, the paper aims at a deeper understanding of the hierarchical relation between tense and aspect whereby aspect is the basic category and, therefore, aspectual features are the inevitable starting point of the acquisition of grammar.
Acquisition of aspect
(2003)