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This paper proposes a new sound rule for Proto-Slavic, according to which *g (from PIE *g, *gw, *gh, and *gwh) was lost before *m. This development was posterior to Winter’s law and the merger of voiced and aspirated stop in Slavic. The operation of the rule is illustrated by new etymologies of four Slavic words: *ama, *jama ‘hole, pit’, *těmę ‘sinciput’, *mąžь ‘husband, man’, and *remy ‘leather belt’.
In dyadic communication, both interlocutors adapt to each other linguistically, that is, they align interpersonally. In this article, we develop a framework for modeling interpersonal alignment in terms of the structural similarity of the interlocutors’ dialog lexica. This is done by means of so-called two-layer time-aligned network series, that is, a time-adjusted graph model. The graph model is partitioned into two layers, so that the interlocutors’ lexica are captured as subgraphs of an encompassing dialog graph. Each constituent network of the series is updated utterance-wise. Thus, both the inherent bipartition of dyadic conversations and their gradual development are modeled. The notion of alignment is then operationalized within a quantitative model of structure formation based on the mutual information of the subgraphs that represent the interlocutor’s dialog lexica. By adapting and further developing several models of complex network theory, we show that dialog lexica evolve as a novel class of graphs that have not been considered before in the area of complex (linguistic) networks. Additionally, we show that our framework allows for classifying dialogs according to their alignment status. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first approach to measuring alignment in communication that explores the similarities of graph-like cognitive representations. Keywords: alignment in communication; structural coupling; linguistic networks; graph distance measures; mutual information of graphs; quantitative network analysis
Elision of /h, ?/ in the Shirazi Dialect of Persian (SHDP) : an optimality theory based analysis
(2010)
Until recently, many researchers have shown interest in studying lenitions, which are examples of the most common universal types of phonological processes. Elision of laryngeals (glottal fricative /h/ and glottal stop /?/) is one of the most common phonological alternations exhibited in the Shirazi dialect of Persian (SHDP) which to the knowledge of the researchers, has not been studied to date. This paper seeks to provide a description of the facts about this common phonological alternation in the addressed regional dialect of Persian and points out some main differences between the behavior of these processes in SHDP and Standard Persian (SP). The analysis is cast in an Optimal Theoretic (OT) framework (McCarthy and Prince 1995, 2001), which holds that linguistic forms are the outcome of interaction among violable universal constraints. The present study shows that the addressed processes of consonant deletion in SHDP are restricted by syllabic position and are conditioned by coda position, intervocalic position or consonant clusters. They are usually blocked in the onset, but there are cases where reduction is allowed in the onset of the stressed syllable. Thus, the study adds SHDP to the list of languages which permit lenition in the onset of the stressed syllable. The addressed processes of elision are always blocked in word-initial position and laryngeal elision is always followed by Compensatory lengthening (CL), even after deletion from the onset of the stressed syllable.
Key words: lenition or weakening, laryngeal elision, phonological processes, Optimality Theory
Embedded implicatures and experimental constraints : a reply to Geurts & Pouscoulous and Chemla
(2010)
Experimental evidence on embedded implicatures by Chemla (2009b) and Geurts & Pouscoulous (2009a) has fewer theoretical consequences than assumed: On the one hand, the evidence successfully argues against obligatory local implicature computation, which has however already been discredited. On the other hand, the data are fully consistent with optional local implicature computation.