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Die Aussprache fremdländischer Orts- und Eigennamen kann deutschsprachige Rundfunksprecher vor größere Probleme stellen. Denn es gibt in anderen Sprachen Laute, die im Deutschen nicht vorkommen. Auch die Graphem-Phonem-Verbindungen entsprechen oft nicht den deutschen Regeln. Beim Hessischen Rundfunk existiert für die gesamte ARD die so genannte „Aussprache-Datenbank“, bei der Sprecher (in der Regel Nachrichtensprecher) die Aussprache solcher Orts- und Eigennamen erfragen können. In der vorliegenden Dissertation werden phonetisch begründete Regeln erarbeitet, wie – ausgehend von einer Transkription nach IPA in der Originalsprache – Orts- und Eigennamen des Dänischen, Schwedischen und Norwegischen durch deutschsprachige Rundfunksprecher ausgesprochen werden sollten. Dabei werden auch die Graphem-Phonem-Relation sowie die Phonotaktik der Ausgangssprache im Vergleich zum Deutschen berücksichtigt. Damit liegt erstmals ein standardisiertes Verfahren vor, das eine einheitliche und phonetisch begründete Vorgehensweise bei der Erarbeitung eines Aussprachevorschlags für dänische, schwedische und norwegische Orts- und Eigennamen ermöglicht.
Im Fokus dieser Magisterarbeit stehen Präpositionalphrasen (PP), deren Komplement eine unikale Komponente ist. Es handelt sich bei diesen Komplementen um Nomen, die außerhalb einer PP nicht vorkommen bzw. in anderen Umgebungen nicht die selbe Bedeutung haben. Um dieses Phänomen zu beschreiben wird eine Analyse innerhalb der Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) entwickelt. Grundkenntnisse über Struktur und Begrifflichkeiten der HPSG werden in dieser Arbeit vorausgesetzt, als Referenz siehe [PS94]. Die Gliederung gestaltet sich wie folgt: Zunächst werden die zu untersuchenden Daten im Detail dargestellt. Anschließend werden verschiedene Analysemöglichkeiten innerhalb der Theorie der HPSG in Betracht gezogen, nämlich Selektion, Konstruktion und Kollokation. Dabei muss festgestellt werden, dass die existierenden Ansätze den Daten nicht oder nur unbefriedigend gerecht werden können. Der Ansatz, der letztendlich verfolgt wird, besteht darin, den bereits existierenden Selektionsmechanismus über SPEC zu generalisieren. Dieses Vorgehen erlaubt dann der unikalen NP, die Präposition, mit welcher sie einhergeht, zu selegieren. Hierzu werden einige, jedoch vertretbare Änderungen in der HPSG-Architektur vorgenommen und es wird gezeigt, wie mit dem generalisierten Mechanismus die Daten behandelt werden können. Daran anschließend folgt eine Erweiterung des Phänomenbereichs auf Paarformeln. Ferner wird ein Einwand im Zusammenhang mit der Analyse des Komplements als NP bzw. DP diskutiert und zur weiteren Motivation des Ansatzes wird noch ein weiteres lokales Phänomen,die Distribution der Spur, mit der hier vorgestellten Herangehensweise modelliert. Darüberhinaus wird die Frage untersucht, ob man nicht auch PPs mit festen Verben geschickt analysieren kann. Dazu wird ein Weg, Lexeme zu selegieren, eingeführt und der entwickelte Mechanismus erweitert. Diese Erweiterung findet Anwendung bei der Modellierung der lokalen Distribution einer Partikel. Eine Zusammenfassung, sowie ein Ausblick auf weiterführende Fragestellungen schließen die Arbeit ab.
At the outset of this dissertation one might pose the question why retroflex consonants should still be of interest for phonetics and for phonological theory since ample work on this segmental class already exists. Bhat (1973) conducted a quite extensive study on retroflexion that treated the geographical spread of this class, some phonological processes its members can undergo, and the phonetic motivation for these processes. Furthermore, several phonological representations of retroflexes have been proposed in the framework of Feature Geometry, as in work by Sagey (1986), Pulleyblank (1989), Gnanadesikan (1993), and Clements (2001). Most recently, Steriade (1995, 2001) has discussed the perceptual cues of retroflexes and has argued that the distribution of these cues can account for the phonotactic restrictions on retroflexes and their assimilatory behaviour. Purely phonetically oriented studies such as Dixit (1990) and Simonsen, Moen & Cowen (2000) have shown the large articulatory variation that can be found for retroflexes and hint at the insufficiency of existing definitions.
Glide formation, a process whereby an underlying high front vowel is realized as a palatal glide, is shown to occur only in unstressed prevocalic position in German, and to be blocked by specific surface restrictions such as *ji and *“j. Traditional descriptions of glide formation (including derivational as well as Optimality theoretic approaches) refer to the syllable in order to capture its conditions. The present study illustrates that glide formation (plus the distribution of long and short tense /i/) in German can better be captured in a Functional Phonology account (Boersma 1998) which makes reference to stress instead of the syllable and thus overcomes problems of former approaches.
A common topic in recent literature on phonology is the question of whether phonological processes and segments are licensed by prosodic position or by perceptual cues. The former is the traditional view, as represented by e.g. Lombardi (1995) and Beckman (1998), and holds that segments occur in specific prosodic positions such as the coda. In a licensing by cue approach, as represented by Steriade (1995, 1999), on the other hand, segments are assumed to occur in those positions only where their perceptual cues are prominent, independent of the prosodic position. In positions where the cues are not salient, neutralization occurs.
In this paper I discuss the properties of particle verbs in light of a proposal about syntactic projection. In section 2 I suggest that projection involves functional structure in two important ways: (i) only functional phrases can be complements, and (ii) lexical heads that take complements and project must be inflected. In section 3, I show that the structure of particle verbs is not uniform with respect to (i) and (ii). On the one hand, a particle always combines with an inflected verb; in this respect, particle verbs look like verb-complement constructions. On the other hand, the particle is not a functional phrase and therefore is not a proper complement, which makes the combination of the particle and the verb look more like a morphologically complex verb. I argue that syntactic rules can in fact interpret the node dominating the particle and the verb as a projection and as a complex head. In section 4, I show that many of the characteristic properties of particle verbs in the Germanic languages follow from the fact that they are structural hybrids.
In this article I reanalyze sibilant inventories of Slavic languages by taking into consideration acoustic, perceptive and phonological evidence. The main goal of this study is to show that perception is an important factor which determines the shape of sibilant inventories. The improvement of perceptual contrast essentially contributes to creating new sibilant inventories by (i) changing the place of articulation of the existing phonemes (ii) merging sibilants that are perceptually very close or (iii) deleting them. It has also been shown that the symbol š traditionally used in Slavic linguistics corresponds to two sounds in the IPA systemsystem: it stands for a postalveolar sibilant (ʃ) in some Slavic languages, as e.g. Bulgarian, Czech, Slovak, some Serbian and Croatian dialects, whereas in others like Polish, Russian, Lower Sorbian it functions as a retroflex (s). This discrepancy is motivated by the fact that ʃ is not optimal in terms of maintaining sufficient perceptual contrast to other sibilants such as s and ç. If ʃ occurs together with s and sj there is a considerable perceptual distance between them but if it occurs with ç in an inventory, the distance is much smaller. Therefore, the strategy most languages follow is the change from a postalveolar to a retroflex sibilant.
In this article we propose that there are two universal properties for phonological stop assibilations, namely (i) assibilations cannot be triggered by /i/ unless they are also triggered by /j/, and (ii) voiced stops cannot undergo assibilations unless voiceless ones do. The article presents typological evidence from assibilations in 45 languages supporting both (i) and (ii). It is argued that assibilations are to be captured in the Optimality Theoretic framework by ranking markedness constraints grounded in perception which penalize sequences like [ti] ahead of a faith constraint which militates against the change from /t/ to some sibilant sound. The occurring language types predicted by (i) and (ii) will be shown to involve permutations of the rankings between several different markedness constraints and the one faith constraint. The article demonstrates that there exist several logically possible assibilation types which are ruled out because they would involve illicit rankings.
In this paper we provide an account of the historical development of Polish and Russian sibilants. The arguments provided here are of theoretical interest because they show that (i) certain allophonic rules are driven by the need to keep contrasts perceptually distinct, (ii) (unconditioned) sound changes result from needs of perceptual distinctiveness, and (iii) perceptual distinctiveness can be extended to a dass of consonants, i.e. the sibilants. The analysis is cast within Dispersion Theory by providing phonetic and typological data supporting the perceptual distinctiveness claims we make.
The large majority of the isoglosses which can be established in the South Slavic dialectal area date from the time of the disintegration of Common Slavic and from more recent periods (e.g., Ivi´c 1958: 25ff). The isoglosses have often shifted in the course of the centuries, so that their original position cannot always be determined. In this study I shall concentrate upon the dialectal differences which originated before the 10th century. At that time, Slavic was still a largely uniform language, though it was certainly not completely homogeneous.