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Der Artikel soll am Beispiel der Autorin Marlene Streeruwitz untersuchen, ob ihre Werke als spezifisch österreichische Literatur nach linguistischen Kriterien zu identifizieren sind. Dabei soll aufgezeigt werden, dass alle sprachlichen Ebenen österreichische Varianten der nationalen Varietäten des Deutschen aufweisen.
Zum Schwerpunkt dieses Beitrags wird erstens das Wesen der "sakralen Interjektionen" und ihre Beziehung zum übersetzungstheoretischen Bereich, zweitens die Anwesenheit dieser in repräsentativsten deutsch und tschechisch geschriebenen Wörterbüchern behandelt. Da die Beziehung der drei Größen Usus, Norm und Kodifizierung immer im Einklang stehen muss, wird die Untersuchung durch konkrete Analyse der unter ausgewählten tschechischen Studenten verteilten Fragebögen ergänzt.
Da die kontrastierenden Analysen zum Deutschen und zum Tschechischen, die auf einem zusammengestellten Korpus basieren, unter der vergleichenden phraseologischen Sprachforschung recht selten vertreten sind, wurde zum Objekt meiner Untersuchung die weibliche und männliche Rolle in den tschechischen und deutschen Redewendungen. […] Die Phraseologismen wurden unter diesem Aspekt bisher noch nicht verglichen und es ist höchst interessant an diesen festen Wendungen, die sich auf das praktische Leben beziehen, zu zeigen, wie sich die männliche und weibliche Rolle voneinander unterscheiden und hauptsächlich, wie diese Rollen in Tschechien und Deutschland differieren.
It is the aim of this paper to evaluate the various types of sentential complementation available in terms of complement control cross-linguistically. I will propose a lexical classification of control classes on the basis of the instantiated subordination patterns. I want to focus on an important distinction, namely that of structural vs. inherent control. Structural control is found with predicates that select a clausal complement whose structure requires argument identification and thus 'induces' control. Infinitival complements are prototypical cases for this kind of control because in most languages infinitival complements can only 'survive' in structures of control or raising. The interesting question is which predicates license structural control and which cross-linguistic differences emerge between potential licensors. Inherent control is found with predicates that require control readings independent of the instantiated structure of sentential complementation (e.g. a directive predicate such as zwingen 'force'). In addition, I will recapitulate and add arguments for the dual lexical-syntactic nature of complement control.
This questionnaire focuses on control structures that are instantiated by predicates that take a state of affairs (SOA) argument. Noonan (1985) has called these predicates 'complement-taking predicates'; I will use the notion of SOAAtaking predicates (SOAA = state of affairs argument).
Prototypically, complement control is instantiated by certain classes of verbs; however, adjectives (be eager to) and nouns (e.g. nominalizations such as promise) may function as control predicates as well. 'Control' refers to the pattern of argument identification between an argument of the SOAA-taking predicate and an argument of the SOAA-head. In the literature the notion of 'equi deletion' or 'equi-NP deletion' has been used (following Rosenbaum 1967), which refers to structures in which an overt argument of the matrix predicate is identified with a covert argument of the embedded predicate. This questionnaire aims at a cross-linguistic application of the notion of control and thus uses a semantic definition of complement control. It extends the notion of control to other patterns of referential dependency between arguments of a SOAA-taking predicate and of the embedded predicate.
In anaphora resolution theory, it has been assumed that anaphora resolution is based on a reversed mapping of antecedent salience and anaphora complexity: minimal complex anaphora refer to maximal salient antecedents. In order to ex-amine whether and by which developmental steps German children gain command of this mapping maxim we conducted an experiment on production and comprehension of intersentential pronouns including the three pronoun types zero, personal, and demonstrative pronoun. With respect to antecedent salience, the experiment varied syntactic role (subject/object) and in/animacy. Six age groups of children (age range from 2;0 to 6;0) and an adult control group has been tested. The hypothesis arising from the mapping maxim is that zero pronoun correlates with more salient antecedents than personal and demonstrative pronoun, the latter correlating with the least salient antecedents. The results are: In production, children first establish the opposition of zero pronoun with animate antecedents vs. demonstrative pronoun with inanimate antecedents. In a next step, syntactic role comes into play and a more complex system opposing the three presented pronoun types is established. In comprehension, however, the effect of pronoun type re-mains weak and antecedent features remain a strong factor in reference choice. However, also adults employ pronoun type and antecedent features. The oldest children and the adults show variation in personal pronoun resolution according to the animacy pattern of the potential antecedents. In case of identical animacy features, the subject is the preferred candidate; in case of distinct animacy features, there is a tendency to choose the object antecedent.
This paper presents psycholinguistic evidence on the factors governing the resolution of German personal pronouns. To determine the relative influence of linear order versus grammatical function of potential antecedents, two interpretation-preference tasks were designed. Their specific aim was to disentangle salience factors conflated in previous research on pronoun interpretation, such as linear or-der, first mention and topicalization. Experiment 1 tested pronoun resolution to non-sentence-initial position (scrambling) and Experiment 2 tested pronoun resolution to sentence-initial position (topicalization). The results across different verb types and across different syntactic contexts in Experiments 1 and 2 show that grammatical function, yet neither linear order, first mention nor topicalization predicts pronoun resolution in German.
In the last few years, the areas of study of German as Foreign Language and German for Specific Purposes have evidently made an inflationary, and sometimes even inadequate use of concepts related to the adjectives 'cultural' and 'intercultural'. The concepts have often been used so as to serve only to instigate the increase, permanency and dissemination of stereotypes and pre-conceptions. In the Winter 2006/07 Semester, a course called "Fachsprachen und Kultur" was offered on the way the concepts of culture are approached in different fields of study. This paper presents the conclusions of some of the participants on the use of the concept in their primary or secondary areas. The results show that it is urgent and necessary to examine the concepts of culture used in our field of study so that stereotypes do not become the basis for a didactics of German as a Foreign Language.
Ausgehend von einer Definition der materialen Topik soll in diesem Aufsatz untersucht werden, welche Position Topik einerseits als selbst-organisierendes System, andrerseits als intentional eingesetzte Argumentationsstrategie in der Kommunikation zwischen Leser und Text einnimmt. Dieser Leseakt kann letzten Endes als Interaktion zweier topischer Systeme gedeutet werden, jedoch ohne dass sich dabei die Rezeption eines Textes in vollständiger Kontingenz verliert.
Syntactic negation and particularly the position of the negative particle 'nicht' are challenging themes not only for learners of German as a foreign language, but also for teachers and researchers of the grammar of German. This paper gives an overview of recent studies related to negation in Modern German. In its main part, it presents results of empirical research on the relationship between syntax and prosody in the field of negation.
Humans possess a number concept that differs from its predecessors in animal cognition in two crucial respects: (1) it is based on a numerical sequence whose elements are not confined to quantitative contexts, but can indicate cardinal/quantitative as well as ordinal and even nominal properties of empirical objects (e.g. ‘five buses’: cardinal; ‘the fifth bus’: ordinal; ‘the #5 bus’: nominal), and (2) it can involve recursion and, via recursion, discrete infinity. In contrast to that, the predecessors of numerical cognition that we find in animals and human infants rely on finite and iconic representations that are limited to cardinality and do not support a unified concept of number. In this paper, I argue that the way such a unified number concept could evolve in humans is via verbal sequences that are employed as numerical tools, that is, sequences of words whose elements are associated with empirical objects in number assignments. In particular, I show that a certain kind of number words, namely the counting sequences of natural languages, can be characterised as a central instance of verbal numerical tools. I describe a possible scenario for the emergence of such verbal numerical tools in human history that starts from iconic roots and that suggests that in a process of co-evolution, the gradual emergence of counting sequences and the development of an increasingly comprehensive number concept supported each other. On this account, it is language that opened the way for numerical cognition, suggesting that it is no accident that the same species that possesses the language faculty as a unique trait, should also be the one that developed a systematic concept of number.