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Im folgenden Artikel wird der Versuch unternommen, die Hauptmerkmale der phonetischen Forschung in der slowakischen Germanistik (teils aus kontrastiver Sicht) in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten zu dokumentieren.
Aus verständlichen Gründen verzichten wir dabei auf Vollständigkeit: Die Ergebnisse der phonetischen Arbeiten sind in bibliographischen Abteilungen der Bibliotheken bzw. im Internet zusammengetragen. In unserer Analyse berücksichtigen wir nur diejenigen AutorInnen, die wir aus anderen slowakischen Universitäten kennen und mit denen wir im regelmäßigen Kontakt sind. Es handelt sich um folgende PhonetikerInnen: Viera Chebenová (UKF Nitra), Zuzana Bohušová (UMB Banská Bystrica), Viera Lagerová (Trnavská univerzita) und Anna Džambová (Prešovská univerzita). Es wird sich in der Zukunft sicher die Möglichkeit ergeben, die aktuelle Situation gründlich zu recherchieren (z. B. im Rahmen eines Projektes), die Liste der AutorInnen und ihrer Werke zu vervollständigen, zu analysieren und zu diskutieren. Deren niedrige Zahl beruht auf der Tatsache, dass die deutsche Phonetik nicht zu den bevorzugten Gebieten der germanistischen Linguistik in der Slowakei gehört (auf dieses Problem wiesen wir in unseren Beiträgen der letzten Jahre mehrmals hin). In der Slowakei gibt es zahlreiche GermanistInnen, die sich eher für Gebiete wie Lexikographie, Lexikologie, Phraseologie, Grammatik, Didaktik, Translatologie, Pragmatik interessieren.
Articulatory token-to-token variability not only depends on linguistic aspects like the phoneme inventory of a given language but also on speaker specific morphological and motor constraints. As has been noted previously (Perkell (1997), Mooshammer et al. (2004)) , speakers with coronally high "domeshaped" palates exhibit more articulatory variability than speakers with coronally low "flat" palates. One explanation for that is based on perception oriented control by the speaker. The influence of articulatory variation on the cross sectional area and consequently on the acoustics should be greater for flat palates than for domeshaped ones. This should force speakers with flat palates to place their tongue very precisely whereas speakers with domeshaped palates might tolerate a greater variability. A second explanation could be a greater amount of lateral linguo-palatal contact for flat palates holding the tongue in position. In this study both hypotheses were tested.
Die Beschreibungen der phonologischen und phonetischen Gebrauchsmerkmale erschöpfen sich aus der Sicht der informellen Kommunikation bekanntlich vorwiegend in den sprecherbezogenen phonologischen Prozessen, die dominant mit einer durch natürliches Sprechtempo bedingten ausspracheerleichternden Funktion einhergehen. Auch verfügt die moderne Interaktionslinguistik über Kenntnisse einiger linguistischer Funktionen von Intonation. Dennoch wissen wir immer noch sehr wenig über die soziale (d. h. auch strategische) Funktionalität der artikulatorischen und prosodischen (also der segmentalen und suprasegmentalen) Merkmale im Gesprächsverhalten. Dieser Beitrag setzt sich zum Ziel, die kontextsensitiven konversationsphonologischen Sprachmerkmale und ihre soziale Funktionsweise im Alltagsgespräch zu skizzieren. Die Problematik der Herangehensweise an die Erfassung der sozialen Bedeutung von konversationeller Phonetik, Phonologie und Prosodie wird anhand von drei exemplarischen Analysen der Kontextualisierung der sozialen Distanz in den Gesprächen bei verschiedenen informellen Gruppen Jugendlicher beleuchtet.
This paper emphasizes the importance of intonational studies, focusing on the final intonational contour in interrogative sentences in German and Brazilian Portuguese. Following considerations about intonation in general we present some observations about effects of intonation in such sentences at both syntactic and pragmatic levels.
U članku se opisuje morfonologija glagolske osnove u prezentskoj paradigmi na građi hrvatsko-crkvenoslavenskih (dalje: HCS) glagola s temeljnom osnovom na -i- u kojih tom završnom -i- prethodi zubni sonant: r, l, n (tj. tipa tvori-ti, moli-ti, brani-ti). U obzir su uzeti svi glagolski leksemi tog tipa iz kartoteke Rječnika crkvenoslavenskoga jezika hrvatske redakcije: 110 li-glagola, 127 ni-glagola i 83 ri-glagola i njihovi prezentski oblici. Metoda opisa je usporedba dotičnog fragmenta HCS gramatike sa staroslavenskim stanjem kao i sa stanjem u starohrvatskim (čakavskim) govorima. U staroslavenskom jeziku u prezentskoj je paradigmi tihglagola osnova okrnjena (tj. okrnjen je sufiks -i-) i pojavljuje se u dvije varijante: palatalnoj (u 1. licu jednine), i tvrdoj (u svim ostalim oblicima). Tako u prezentu nalazimo u osnovi alternacije r ~ ŕ, l ~ ĺ i n ~ ń. U HCS tekstovima morfonološki su najinovativniji ri-glagoli. Kako je u hrvatskom depalataliziran fonem ŕ, kod ri-glagola nije sačuvan staroslavenski morfonološki model. HCS građa ne pokazuje staroslavensku alternaciju r ~ ŕ, tj. kod ri-glagola nema variranja osnove u prezentu (okrnjena osnova u svim oblicima završava nepalatalnim suglasnikom). Kod li-glagola i ni-glagola staroslavenski je morfonološki model očuvan. Međutim, u tekstovima su ipak potvrđene rijetke devijacije od tog modela. Naime, usprkos postojanju grafijskoga sredstva za označavanje palatalnosti fonema ĺ i ń ispred gramatičkog morfema 1. lica jednine -u (tj. uporaba slova ű iza l, n), neki su pisari u rijetkim slučajevima izostavljali označavanje palatalnosti, tj. pisali grafem u (molu, branu). Autorica predlaže različita moguća objašnjenja te pogreške i utvrđuje u kojoj je mjeri ta pojava ograničena na određene HCS tekstove.
In this article we propose that there are two universal properties for phonological stop assibilations, namely (i) assibilations cannot be triggered by /i/ unless they are also triggered by /j/, and (ii) voiced stops cannot undergo assibilations unless voiceless ones do. The article presents typological evidence from assibilations in 45 languages supporting both (i) and (ii). It is argued that assibilations are to be captured in the Optimality Theoretic framework by ranking markedness constraints grounded in perception which penalize sequences like [ti] ahead of a faith constraint which militates against the change from /t/ to some sibilant sound. The occurring language types predicted by (i) and (ii) will be shown to involve permutations of the rankings between several different markedness constraints and the one faith constraint. The article demonstrates that there exist several logically possible assibilation types which are ruled out because they would involve illicit rankings.
In the following study we present the results of three acoustic experiments with native speakers of German and Polish which support implications (a) and (b). In our experiments we measured the friction phase after the /t d/ release before the onset of the following high front vocoid for four speakers of German and Polish. We found that the friction phase for /tj/ was significantly longer than that of /ti/, and that the friction phase of /t/ in the assibilation context is significantly longer than that of /d/.
Glide formation, a process whereby an underlying high front vowel is realized as a palatal glide, is shown to occur only in unstressed prevocalic position in German, and to be blocked by specific surface restrictions such as *ji and *“j. Traditional descriptions of glide formation (including derivational as well as Optimality theoretic approaches) refer to the syllable in order to capture its conditions. The present study illustrates that glide formation (plus the distribution of long and short tense /i/) in German can better be captured in a Functional Phonology account (Boersma 1998) which makes reference to stress instead of the syllable and thus overcomes problems of former approaches.
Arguing against Bhat’s (1974) claim that retroflexion cannot be correlated with retraction, the present article illustrates that retroflexes are always retracted, though retraction is not claimed to be a sufficient criterion for retroflexion. The cooccurrence of retraction with retroflexion is shown to make two further implications; first, that non-velarized retroflexes do not exist, and second, that secondary palatalization of retroflexes is phonetically impossible. The process of palatalization is shown to trigger a change in the primary place of articulation to non-retroflex. Phonologically, retraction has to be represented by the feature specification [+back] for all retroflex segments.
The present study shows that though retroflex segments can be considered articulatorily marked, there are perceptual reasons why languages introduce this class into their phoneme inventory. This observation is illustrated with the diachronic developments of retroflexes in Norwegian (North- Germanic), Nyawaygi (Australian) and Minto-Nenana (Athapaskan). The developments in these three languages are modelled in a perceptually oriented phonological theory, since traditional articulatorily-based features cannot deal with such processes.
In Ocotepec Mixe, the stem-initial sibilants /s tÉs ß/ undergo a palatalization process when the prefix /j/ is added. Descriptions of other Mixe languages report that this palatalization is realized either as addition of a glide (in the case of the alveolar and retroflex sibilants) or as a change in the primary place of articulation (in the case of the affricate). The acoustic measurements in the present study indicate that all palatalized sibilants in Ocotepec have an additional glide, unless they are followed by the high front vowel(s) /i (e)/, and that both the affricate and retroflex fricative show a consistent change in primary place of articulation under palatalization.
This paper reconciles the standpoint that language users do not aim at improving their sound systems with the observation that languages seem to improve their sound systems. Computer simulations of inventories of sibilants show that Optimality-Theoretic learners who optimize their perception grammars automatically introduce a so-called prototype effect, i.e. the phenomenon that the learner’s preferred auditory realization of a certain phonological category is more peripheral than the average auditory realization of this category in her language environment. In production, however, this prototype effect is counteracted by an articulatory effect that limits the auditory form to something that is not too difficult to pronounce. If the prototype effect and the articulatory effect are of a different size, the learner must end up with an auditorily different sound system from that of her language environment. The computer simulations show that, independently of the initial auditory sound system, a stable equilibrium is reached within a small number of generations. In this stable state, the dispersion of the sibilants of the language strikes an optimal balance between articulatory ease and auditory contrast. The important point is that this is derived within a model without any goal-oriented elements such as dispersion constraints.
This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations.
The present article illustrates that the specific articulatory and aerodynamic requirements for voiced but not voiceless alveolar or dental stops can cause tongue tip retraction and tongue mid lowering and thus retroflexion of front coronals. This retroflexion is shown to have occurred diachronically in the three typologically unrelated languages Dhao (Malayo-Polynesian), Thulung (Sino-Tibetan), and Afar (East-Cushitic). In addition to the diachronic cases, we provide synchronic data for retroflexion from an articulatory study with four speakers of German, a language usually described as having alveolar stops. With these combined data we supply evidence that voiced retroflex stops (as the only retroflex segments in a language) did not necessarily emerge from implosives, as argued by Haudricourt (1950), Greenberg (1970), Bhat (1973), and Ohala (1983). Instead, we propose that the voiced front coronal plosive /d/ is generally articulated in a way that favours retroflexion, that is, with a smaller and more retracted place of articulation and a lower tongue and jaw position than /t/.
Die sprachlichen Beispiele [...] sind dem Korpus „Institutionelle Konfliktgespräche“ des Instituts für deutsche Sprache in Mannheim entnommen. Es sind vorgerichtliche Schlichtungen in Nachbarschaftsstreitigkeiten aus dem kurpfälzischen Raum. Die Gespräche liegen dort in einer Transkription vor, die nicht nur deshalb unzureichend ist, weil Nonstandardmuster weitgehend in Standard wiedergegeben werden. Wir haben zwei der Gespräche völlig neu transkribiert. Beide Gespräche werden von demselben Schlichter geführt. Sie sind je etwa 45 Minuten lang, im ersten Gespräch, gekennzeichnet als „Die Mopeds“, verwendet der Schlichter nach IPA-Transkription ca. 12.000 Laute, im zweiten, gekennzeichnet als „Alte Sau“, ca. 14.000. Im folgenden werden die ersten 2.000 Laut aus den Äußerungen des Schlichters analysiert. Zum Vergleich haben wir einen in einer traditionellen Dialekterhebung aufgenommenen, überwiegend monologischen Text analysiert: einen ebenfalls 2000 Laute umfassenden Ausschnitt aus der Aufname einer jungen Mutterstadter Sprecherin aus den 50er Jahren, ediert von Karch. Die Frage der Standarddefinition, des Vergleichsmaßstabes und der Wahl der Einheiten soll hier nicht diskutiert werden: Wir gehen aus von Lauten, wie sie sich mit den Zeichen des IPA darstellen lassen. Als Kodifikation des Standards wurde, um einen vorläufig praktikablen Maßstab zu haben, das Duden-Aussprachewörterbuch zu Grunde gelegt. Dort für ein Morphem nicht verzeichnete Laute wurden Unberücksichtigt blieb die Unterscheidung zwischen stimmhaften und nicht stimmhaften Konsonanten. Stotternde, verzögernde, lachende [..] etc. wurden bisher weder ausgeblendet, noch zu Nonstandard gerechnet. Einer vorgängigen Skalierung und Gewichtung sprachlicher Merkmale bedarf es nicht. Es genügt eine erste Dichotomisierung und alle weiteren Differenzierungen können im Anschluss daran durchgespielt werden.
Ausgehend von den Zielen des Ausspracheunterrichts wird dargestellt, dass das Verstehen und Verstandenwerden in der Fremdsprache Deutsch gut entwickelte Aussprachefertigkeiten voraussetzt. Analysen an Deutschlernenden haben gezeigt, wo die Hauptschwierigkeiten liegen, diese werden im Beitrag aufgelistet. Um den oft schwierigen Lernprozess zu unterstützen und Lernende zu motivieren und zu sensibilisieren, können im Unterricht spielerische Übungen zu verschiedenen phonetischen Themen eingesetzt werden. Im Beitrag werden die Besonderheiten spielerisch angelegter, d.h. mit Spielelementen versehener Übungen erläutert und Beispiele für solche Übungen gegeben.
What governs phonology
(2000)