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The present investigation steps back to the claims of the 1990s by assuming that there is a functional opposition in the use of P- and D-PRO which affects the status of the pronoun's referent in the mental model of the discourse. We interpret the earlier findings as an indication of an information structural difference which is specifically relevant on the discourse level. The question we address here is twofold. Firstly, we ask whether the assumed opposition in the information status of P- and D-PRO referents has consequences on referent continuation in the ongoing discourse. So far, the effects of P- vs. D-PRO use were determined concerning the status of the pronoun referent in the actual sequence of discourse, i.e. they were determined by a judgement on the salience or the topic/focus status of the pronominal DP. As far as we can see, this determination has not been operationalized further. Since there are contexts in which both P- and D-PRO would fit in with only a feeling of a difference but without clear-cut exclusiveness, the opposition is empirically not well validated. If we could show that there are effects of type of pronoun on the ongoing discourse this would, in our view, provide the lacking empirical validation. Secondly, we ask whether there are effects of the narrator's point of view on P- and D-PRO use. The idea behind this question is that the way of information unfolding in discourse depends on the speaker. S/he decides which pieces of information come next, what is foreground and what is background information. If type of pronoun choice is related to the processes of discourse organization by the speaker – via fore- and backgrounding of information – and if internal or external location of the narrator's point of view influences the organization strategies of the speaker/narrator this might have an ffect on the use of P- and D-PRO.
Auf dem Weg zu Nicht-Flektierbaren : die Deflexion der deutschen Eigennamen diachron und synchron
(2012)
Im heutigen Deutsch sorgt die Flexion von Eigennamen im Genitiv für einen echten Zweifelsfall, mehr noch bei geographischen Namen als bei Personennamen, vgl. des Orinoko(s), des Iran(s), des vereinigten Deutschland(s), ebenso im Plural: die beiden Deutschland(s). Personennamen werden, wenn ihnen ein Artikel (mit oder ohne Adjektiv) vorangeht, in aller Regel schon nicht mehr flektiert, vgl. die 1. Auflage (1774) von "Die Leiden des jungen Werthers" mit Genitivendung mit der 2. Auflage (1787), wo diese Endung schon fehlt. Heute dominiert die Nichtflexion: der Geburtstag des kleinen Julian, des Helmut Kohl. Aus diachroner Sicht stellt dieses Stadium nur einen weiteren Schritt in Richtung onymische Deflexion dar. Dieser Deflexion und ihren Gründen soll in diesem Beitrag nachgegangen werden. Flektierten Eigennamen im Althochdeutschen noch ausgiebig (in mehreren Flexionsklassen), so haben sie im Laufe der Zeit ihre Flexion in zweierlei Hinsicht stark eingeschränkt: a) paradigmatisch durch den Abbau an Allomorphie und die Durchsetzung sog. überstabiler Marker, die oft erstes Indiz für den Beginn von Deflexion sind; b) syntagmatisch durch den sukzessiven Abbau von Flexiven am Wortkörper. Neben Kasus und Numerus haben sich auch bei Genus tiefgreifende Veränderungen vollzogen: Genus wird zunehmend pragmatisch "von außen" fixiert, d.h. immer mehr von Eigenschaften des Referenzobjekts gesteuert.
Allein in der Morphologie (Flexion und Wortbildung) gibt es derzeit etwa ein Dutzend "Baustellen", die systematisch Zweifelsfälle generieren. Sie bilden für den universitären Unterricht – und zwar für den grammatisch-deskriptiven wie auch für den sprachhistorischen – ein ungemein ertragreiches und auch beliebtes Thema. wie die eigene Erfahrung mit mehreren entsprechenden Veranstaltungen lehrt: Die Studierenden – meist künftige Lehrerinnen – lernen, dass sprachliche Regeln variabel sein können, doch keineswegs beliebig. Diese Einsicht reicht jedoch nicht: Man kann gerade anhand von Zweifelstallen zeigen. dass Regeln nicht per se existieren (oder womöglich von der Linguistik oder der Grammatikografie am Schreibtisch erstellt werden), sondern dass sie entstehen und vergehen können, also veränderlich sind, auch. dass sie Funktionen haben, die uns – den Sprachbenutzern – zugute kommen. Zieht man sprachhistorisches Wissen hinzu. so wird in den meisten Fällen deutlich, dass Zweifel stalle Sprachwandel im Verlauf darstellen und dass sie der Optimierung von etwas dienen, also vermehrte Funktionalität herstellen. Damit kann man auch der öffentlichen Gleichsetzung von Sprachwandel mit Sprachverfall entgegenwirken. Das Bewusstsein dafür, dass sich Sprache auch heute wandelt, überrascht viele: Man begreift Sprache viel zu oft als statisch. Zweifelfälle lassen sich auch leicht in schriftlichen Korpora wie dem DWDS oder Cosmas vom IDS und per Google finden. In den Grammatiken werden sie sehr heterogen. oft widersprüchlich behandelt. Mit solchen Recherchen lässt sich eine Unterrichtseinheit gut beginnen. Auch zu Ende der Sekundarstufe lassen sich Zweifelsfälle in den Grammatikunterricht integrieren, wenngleich sprachhistorisches Wissen nicht vorausgesetzt werden kann. Es gilt jedoch ein Verständnis für die Veränderlichkeit von Sprache zu wecken, und zwar nicht bezüglich der viel stärker beachteten Lexik, sondern der Grammatik. Schüler wie Studierende entwickeln schnell Interesse an Zweifel stallen, wenn man sie statt zur Frage nach Richtig versus Falsch zur Frage nach dem Woher und Wohin und vor allem nach dem Warum leitet, also dazu, echtes Verständnis für Grammatik zu entwickeln. Dichotomisches, normatives Denken wird überführt in skalares, jenseits von starren Normen befindliches. In einem letzten Schritt wird der Schluss zu ziehen sein, dass echte Zweifelsfälle keine Fehler sind: Beide Varianten sind akzeptabel.
Im Folgenden soll der […] Zweifelsfall adjektivischer Parallel- vs. Wechselflexion von diesen Seiten beleuchtet werden. Dabei wird deutlich, dass er nicht nur für Schule und Universität. sondern auch für die Grammatikografie Anregungen und Fragen aufwirft: Statt fester Regeln ergeben sich nur mehr oder weniger deutliche Tendenzen.
In this paper I investigate the usage of the adverb and particle 'so' in spontaneous speech (interviews) collected from 21 speakers of the urban multi-ethnolectal youth language Kiezdeutsch. Speakers from the neighborhoods Kreuzberg and Wedding in Berlin are ranging in age from 14 to 18. The 1454 tokens of so available in the corpus (about 5 hours of speech) were classified into 10 different categories; some were structurally defined while others were defined along dimensions of meaning. Our current results indicate that there are differential usages patterns depending on the speaker's gender and age for some of these categories. Further, it appears that some patterns that have been attributed grammatical meaning may not appear frequently enough to establish a separate meaningful grammatical category. Rather, most instances of this kind of use of so appear to have a hedging function, indicating speakers' non-commitance to a specific circumstance.
This paper employs empirical methods to examine verbs such as seem, for which the traditional raising to subject analysis relates pairs of sentences which differ by taking an infinitival or sentential complement. A corpus-driven investigation of the verbs seem and appear demonstrates that information structure and evidentiality both play a determinate role in the choice between infinitival or sentential complementation. The second half of the paper builds upon the corpus results and examines the implications for the standard claims concerning these constructions. First, pairs of sentences related by the subject-to-subject raising analysis of verbs are often viewed as equivalent. New evidence from indefinite generic subjects shows that whether an indefinite generic subject occurs in the infinitival or sentential complement construction leads to truth-conditional differences. Further implications are explored for the claim that subjects of the infinitival variant may take narrow-scope: once various confounds are controlled for, the subject of the infinitival construction is shown to most naturally take wide-scope.
The paper investigates the origins of the German/Dutch particle toch/doch) in the hope of shedding light on a puzzle with respect to doch/toch and to shed some light on two theoretical issues. The puzzle is the nearly opposite meaning of the stressed and unstressed versions of the particle which cannot be accounted for in standard theories of the meaning of stress. One theoretical issue concerns the meaning of stress: whether it is possible to reduce the semantic contribution of a stressed item to the meaning of the item and the meaning of stress. The second issue is whether the complex use of a particle like doch/toch can be seen as an instance of spread or whether it has to be seen as having a core meaning which is differentiated by pragmatics operating in different contexts.
We use the etymology of doch and doch as to+u+h (that+ question marker+ emphatic marker) to argue for an origin as a question tag checking a hearer opinion. Stress on the tag indicates an opposite opinion (of the common ground or the speaker) and this sets apart two groups of uses spreading in different directions. This solves the puzzle, indicates that the assumption of spread is useful and offers a subtle correction of the interpretation of stress. While stress always means contrast with a contrasting item, if the particle use is due to spread, it is not guaranteed that the unstressed particle has a corresponding use (or inversely).
In anaphora resolution theory, it has been assumed that anaphora resolution is based on a reversed mapping of antecedent salience and anaphora complexity: minimal complex anaphora refer to maximal salient antecedents. In order to ex-amine whether and by which developmental steps German children gain command of this mapping maxim we conducted an experiment on production and comprehension of intersentential pronouns including the three pronoun types zero, personal, and demonstrative pronoun. With respect to antecedent salience, the experiment varied syntactic role (subject/object) and in/animacy. Six age groups of children (age range from 2;0 to 6;0) and an adult control group has been tested. The hypothesis arising from the mapping maxim is that zero pronoun correlates with more salient antecedents than personal and demonstrative pronoun, the latter correlating with the least salient antecedents. The results are: In production, children first establish the opposition of zero pronoun with animate antecedents vs. demonstrative pronoun with inanimate antecedents. In a next step, syntactic role comes into play and a more complex system opposing the three presented pronoun types is established. In comprehension, however, the effect of pronoun type re-mains weak and antecedent features remain a strong factor in reference choice. However, also adults employ pronoun type and antecedent features. The oldest children and the adults show variation in personal pronoun resolution according to the animacy pattern of the potential antecedents. In case of identical animacy features, the subject is the preferred candidate; in case of distinct animacy features, there is a tendency to choose the object antecedent.
This paper presents psycholinguistic evidence on the factors governing the resolution of German personal pronouns. To determine the relative influence of linear order versus grammatical function of potential antecedents, two interpretation-preference tasks were designed. Their specific aim was to disentangle salience factors conflated in previous research on pronoun interpretation, such as linear or-der, first mention and topicalization. Experiment 1 tested pronoun resolution to non-sentence-initial position (scrambling) and Experiment 2 tested pronoun resolution to sentence-initial position (topicalization). The results across different verb types and across different syntactic contexts in Experiments 1 and 2 show that grammatical function, yet neither linear order, first mention nor topicalization predicts pronoun resolution in German.
This paper discusses results from a corpus study of German demonstrative and personal pronouns and from a reading time experiment in which we compared the interpretation options of the two types of pronouns (Bosch et al. 2003, 2007). A careful review of exceptions to a generalisation we had been suggesting in those papers (the Subject Hypothesis: "Personal pronouns prefer subject antecedents and demonstratives prefer non-subject antecedents") shows that, although this generalisation correctly describes a tendency in the data, it is quite wrong in claiming that the grammatical role of antecedents is the relevant parameter. In the current paper we argue that the generalisation should be formulated in terms of in-formation-structural properties of referents rather than in terms of the grammatical role of antecedent expressions.
This paper presents results of corpus analytic investigations of children's use of referring expressions and considers possible implications of this work for questions relating to development of theory of mind. The study confirms previous findings that children use the full range of referring forms (definite and indefinite articles, demonstrative determiners, and demonstrative and personal pronouns) appropriately by age 3 or earlier. It also provides support for two distinct stages in mind-reading ability. The first, which is implicit and non-propositional, includes the ability to assess cognitive statuses such as familiarity and focus of attention in relation to the intended referent; the second, which is propositional and more conscious, includes the ability to assess epistemic states such as knowledge and belief. Distinguishing these two stages supports attempts to reconcile seemingly inconsistent results concerning the age at which children develop theory of mind. It also makes it possible to explain why children learn to use forms correctly be-fore they exhibit the pragmatic ability to consider and calculate quantity implicatures.