410 Linguistik
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Part of a Book (12)
- Working Paper (7)
- Article (4)
- Conference Proceeding (1)
- Doctoral Thesis (1)
- Review (1)
Language
- English (20)
- German (4)
- Croatian (1)
- Portuguese (1)
Has Fulltext
- yes (26)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (26)
Keywords
- Phonologie (26) (remove)
Institute
This paper builds on Zwicky's (1986) notion of shape condition, that is, a rule that specifies the phonological shape of inflected forms "by reference to triggers at least some of which lie outside the syntactic word". Zwicky observes that "many rules traditionally classified as external sandhi rules are [shape conditions]". They are not phonological rules in the usual sense, since they only apply to specific lexical items and are active within syntactic rather than phonological domains.
Shape conditions are problematic in many standard grammar architectures. On the one hand, they seem to be constraints on lexical entries, while on the other hand, they make reference to the syntactic context. Hayes (1990) has sketched a theory of "precompiled phrasal phonology" in which allomorph choice is conditioned by subcategorization frames in lexical entries. However, his approach is not formalized in any detail, and moreover makes the implicit claim that the relation between a shape condition target and its triggers can be equated with the syntactic relation between a lexical head and its complement. Although this assumption holds good for the Hausa phenomena he addresses, we do not believe that it holds in general.
HPSG appears to offer promising framework for formalizing something like Hayes' approach, but the standard machinery also makes it hard to distinguish a shape condition trigger from a complement. In order to overcome this difficulty, we develop the notion of phonological context: a feature of signs which allows us to condition allomorphic alternation in terms of (i) the phonological edges, and (ii) the syntactic properties of an expression's immediate syntactic sisters. We show how our analysis deals with four illustrative cases: the indefinite article alternation in English, syncretic liaison forms for possessive pronouns in French, Hausa verb-final vowel shortening, and soft mutation in Welsh nouns.
O conceito de Witz, como aparece nos fragmentos de Friedrich Schlegel, publicados entre 1798 e 1800, está ligado ao entendimento estético e foi recuperado por Walter Benjamin em O conceito de crítica de arte no romantismo alemão. O Witz faz parte da "terminologia filosófica" romântica, é um instante na reflexão crítica sobre uma obra de arte onde se dá o conhecimento súbito. O Witz opera na obra uma iluminação de diferentes níveis: semanticamente, aparece na obra como as figuras de estilo da subitaneidade, ou como parabase, a ruptura que autoexplica a obra. Witz, etimologicamente, seria uma corruptela de wissen (saber), e representado pela metáfora da luz. O termo original Witz mantém uma relação sonora com Blitz (relâmpago), é o saber que emerge à consciência subitamente, como um relâmpago, uma iluminação súbita da cena. Witz/Bliz constituem-se em um par conceitual, ou seja, a sonoridade dos termos permite um permuta visual e fonética que vem ao encontro das possibilidades semânticas, compondo um par de opostos.
German underwent a typological change from a syllable language in Old High German towards a word language today (Szczepaniak 2007). Proper names followed this development until the last century (cf. Christel, Gertrud, Klaus, Wolfgang). Some of the most popular German first names from 2010, however, such as Mia, Lea, Leon, Noah, show completely different structures compared to common nouns. In sharp contrast to common nouns, first names dispose of CV-structures, full vowels in unstressed syllables and different accent positions. Thus, there must have been a deep-rooted onomastic change. The most frequent baby names of 1945 were still in harmony with the usual word structures. This article shows that the decrease of transgenerational transmission of first names led to a departure fom native phonological structures. The following factors are analyzed: the number of syllables; accent position; and the number of consonant clusters, hiatuses, schwa and unstressed full vowels. It will be demonstrated that the phonological distance between first names (particularly female names) and common nouns has increased over time and that there is an increasing tendency for names to contain syllable language structures. Thus, a typological difference developed between these two nominal classes. The reason behind this change can be found in the individualizing function of proper names and social individualization over time.
In German, female and male first names are strictly segregated: there are two big inventories with the only purpose to separate women and men. Unisex names are extremely seldom. If they are chosen, they have to be followed by a sex-specific middle name (e.g. Kim Uwe, Kim Annette). If we look at the phonological components of first names, i.e. at their sounds, we can state that male and female names became more similar over the last decades. Whereas in the 1950's, typical first names such as Katharina and Rolf diverged considering their phonic inventory considerably, today, many girls are named Leah and Lara and many boys Noah and Luca. These names share nearly the same sounds, they consist of two syllables and are stressed on the first one. If we look behind the scenes, it becomes clear that the officially required onomastic separation of the two sexes is undermined. In this paper, I will present a socalled phonetic gender score for German first names for the first time (see also Schmidt-Jüngst in this volume). It allows for measuring a degree of femaleness and maleness of names. In a second step, it will be asked whether unofficial names such as pet names, which are not obliged to mark sex also tend to be gendered or if they disobey the gender barrier. It will be shown that the most intimate names are not interested in stressing the denoted person's sex. In contrast to first names, pet names tend to be maximally de-gendered.
Nach Jakobson (1941) lassen sich in der frühen phonologischen Entwicklung zwei diskrete Phasen unterscheiden. Eine erste Phase, in der vorsprachliche Lalllaute produziert werden und keine phonologischen Kontraste gegeben sind, und eine zweite Phase, die eigentliche Sprachstufe, in der eben diese sprachsystematischen Kontrastbildungen sukzessive ausgebaut werden. Ausgehend von diesem strukturalistischen Paradigma wurden Protowörter, die im Übergang von der Lallphase zur Zielwortproduktion realisiert werden und bei einer relativ stabilen Bedeutungszuweisung keine overte Ähnlichkeit zu Zielwörtern zeigen, entweder als artikulatorische Muster analysiert oder unter der Perspektive der Generativen Grammatik als nicht-phonologische Wortformen gänzlich ignoriert. Im Gegensatz zu diesen tradierten Ansätzen wird in dieser Arbeit ein neuer Ansatz vertreten, nach dem dreidimensionale (mit segmentaler, silbischer und metrischer Ebene) phonologische Repräsentationen ab ovo in der Sprachverarbeitung aktiv sind und sich gemäß der klassischen Kompetenz-Performanz-Unterscheidung in frühen Wortproduktionen auch linguistisch analysieren lassen. Das adäquate Instrumentarium für diese Analyse können gerade nicht zielsprachliche Merkmalskontraste mit bedeutungsunterscheidender Funktion sein, sondern genuin phonologische Kontraste. Zielführend ist hier die Anwendung der Demisilbentheorie von Clements (1990), mit deren Hilfe die phonologische Komplexität von Demisilben nach Maßgabe von Sonorität berechnet werden. Wurde diese Theorie bisher erfolgreich in der Aphasiologie angewendet, wird sie hier erstmals in der Untersuchung der Protowortproduktion, appliziert. Die Daten stammen aus der im Rahmen dieser Arbeit durchgeführten Einzelfallstudie, in der die Spontansprachproduktionen von Kind J., 1;4 Jahre, jeweils einmal wöchentlich für 30 Minuten aufgezeichnet wurden. Die Aufnahmen endeten zu dem Zeitpunkt, als Kind J. keine Protowörter mehr produzierte. Wesentliche Ergebnisse einer linguistisch-qualitativen wie auch einer statistisch-quantitativen Analyse dieser Daten waren, dass Proto- und Zielwortproduktion korrelierten, d.h., bei Abnahme der Protowortproduktion die Zielwortproduktion zunahm; beide Wortklassen tendenziell aus nicht-komplexen Demisilben aufgebaut waren und Protowörter in dem Sinne als Vorläufer von Zielwörtern angesehen werden können, als dass bei ihnen nicht die zielsprachliche Bedeutungszuweisung, sondern die Etablierung phonologischer Repräsentationen maßgeblich ist. Ausgehend von diesen Ergebnissen wird ein differenziertes Schalenmodell der frühen phonologischen Entwicklung vorgestellt, nach welchem der segmentale Merkmalsausbau und seine Integration in die Silbe mittels Sonorität noch vor der metrischen Betonungszuweisung stattfindet. Unter Hinzunahme der Parallelen Architektur von Jackendoff (2002) wird abschließend eine kognitiv-linguistische Definition von Protowörtern gegeben, die nicht zuletzt auch zu diagnostischen Zwecken in der sprachtherapeutischen Praxis gebraucht werden kann.
Rezension zu A. Celinić; I. Kurtović Budja; A. Čilaš Šimpraga; Ž. Jozić: Prinosi hrvatskoj dijalektnoj fonologiji. Split – Zagreb: Književni krug Split – Institut za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje, 2010.
Ich möchte […] drei Beispiele für den produktiven Dialog zwischen Historischer Sprachwissenschaft und Sprachtypologie liefern: 1. Den phonologisch-typologischen Wandel des Deutschen von einer Silben- zu einer Wortsprache, 2. die frühnhd. 'Justierung' der Abfolge grammatischer Kategorien am Verb gemäß der universellen Relevanzskala, und 3. die Entwicklung unseres Höflichkeitssystems am Beispiel der Anredepronomen. Weder liefere ich Neues noch kann ich ins Detail gehen. Es geht hier nur darum, für die gegenseitige Wahrnehmung und Zusammenarbeit linguistischer Disziplinen zu werben.
In this paper we focus on the similarities tying together the second segment of an onset cluster and a singleton coda segment. We offer a proposal based on Baertsch (2002) accounting for this similarity and show how it captures a number of observations which have defied previous explanation. In accounting for the similarity of patterning between the second member of an onset and a coda consonant, we propose to augment Prince & Smolensky's (P&S, 1993/2002) Margin Hierarchy so as to distinguish between structural positions that prefer low sonority and those that prefer high sonority. P&S's Margin Hierarchy, which gives preference to segments of low sonority, applies to singleton onsets; this is our M1 hierarchy. Our proposed M2 hierarchy applies both to the second member of an onset and to a singleton coda. The M2 hierarchy differs from the M1 hierarchy in giving preference to consonants of high sonority. Splitting the Margin Hierarchy into the M1 and M2 hierarchies allows us to explain typological, phonotactic, and acquisitional observations that have defied previous explanation. In Section 2 of this paper, we briefly provide background on the links that tie together the second member of an onset and a singleton coda. In Section 3, we review P&S's Margin Hierarchy, showing that it becomes problematic when extended to coda consonants. We then offer our proposal for a split margin hierarchy. Section 4 extends the split margin approach to complex onsets. We then show how it is able to account for various typological, phonotactic, and acquisitional observations. In Section 5, we will conclude the paper by briefly sketching how the split margin approach enables us to analyze syllable contact phenomena without requiring a specific syllable contact constraint (or additional hierarchy) or reference to an external sonority scale.
The present study, based on a typological survey of ca. 70 languages, offers a systematization of consonantal insertions by classifying them into three main types: grammatical, phonetic, and prosodic insertions. The three epenthesis types essentially differ from each other in terms of preferred sounds, domains of application, the role of segmental context, their occurrence cross-linguistically, the extent of variation and phonetic explication.
The present investigation is significantly different from other analyses of consonantal epentheses in the sense that it neither invokes markedness nor diachronic state of the processes under discussion. Instead, it considers the different nature of the epenthetic segments by referring to the representational levels and/or domains which are relevant for their appearance.