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Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der Typologie und Chronologie einer besonders vielfältigen und bisher schlecht fassbaren Gruppe unter den metallenen Wagenbeschlägen der Urnenfelder- und Hallstattzeit in Südost-, Mittel- und Westeuropa, den Tüllen und Kappen. Neben einem Gesamtüberblick über das entsprechende Fundmaterial werden einzelne Typen detailliert beschrieben, abgebildet und in ihren wechselseitigen Bezügen diskutiert. Deutlich lassen sich auch bei dieser Objektgruppe die engen typologischen Verbindungen zwischen den urnenfelder- und hallstattzeitlichen Wagenbeschlägen darstellen. Die quantitativ wie qualitativ sehr viel bessere Überlieferung der hallstattzeitlichen Wagen legt es nahe, die urnenfelderzeitliche Wagenentwicklung vor allem in der Rückschau zu betrachten. Insbesondere was den einstigen Anbringungsort der metallenen Beschläge am Wagen angeht, ist das Studium gut dokumentierter in situ-Befunde hallstattzeitlicher Wagengräber sehr hilfreich. Hinsichtlich der Tüllen und Kappen sind vielfältige Möglichkeiten der Anbringung festzustellen, die praktisch alle Teile des Wagens von den Achsen über die Zugvorrichtung und den Langbaum bis zum Wagenkasten betreffen. Eine interessante Möglichkeit ist zudem die Deutung einiger schmaler Tüllen als Griffenden von Treibstacheln, deren Existenz bereits in der Bronzezeit verschiedentlich belegbar ist...
Das Meer als Faszinosum und Das Meer als Ort von Katastrophen sind nicht zu trennen. Diese kleine Abhandlung beginnt daher mit einer Hommage an das Meer durch Lichtenberg (1793) und endet mit einer nicht weniger einzigartigen minutiösen protokollartigen Darstellung einer "Sturmspringflut" an der Nordsee mit ihren katastrophalen Folgen durch Ernst Willkomm (1854).
Über die allmähliche Verfertigung des Romans beim Schreiben : zur Entstehungsgeschichte des "Butt"
(2018)
Nach dem Abschluss der später so genannten Danziger Trilogie war das Themenreservoir aus Nazi- und Kriegszeit, das Grass als Zeitgenosse und Augenzeuge zu 'anhaltender Schreibwut' angetrieben hatte, erschöpft. Um zu einem erneuten großen Wurf ausholen zu können, musste er sich dem Problem stellen, wie er einen neuen Stoff, der nicht aus der lebensgeschichtlichen Erfahrung stammt, aus der produktiven Einbildungskraft entwickeln könne – ein mühsamer Prozess der Ideenfindung, den die Untersuchung anhand der erhaltenen Vorarbeiten von den ersten Brainstormings an zu rekonstruieren versucht. Derartige assoziative Verfahren zur Erzeugung eines epischen flow mündeten allerdings in eine veritable Schreibkrise. Um die schweigende Muse zu reaktivieren, war eine Reihe von Impulsen vonnöten, wobei die Einflüsse 'exogenetischer', also psycho-sozio-kultureller Faktoren (die Schwangerschaft der Lebensgefährtin; der andauernd heftige Beziehungskrieg mit dieser; die Geburt der Tochter Helene) entscheidende Impulse erbrachten, die unmittelbar in Literatur umgesetzt wurden. Ein lange währendes 'warming up' – das Einschalten zahlreicher Gedichte und Graphiken – war aber immer noch vonnöten, um die autonome Motivation aufrechtzuerhalten, bis der wunderbare Fischfang gelang, der den Butt ans Tageslicht holte. Wie und unter welchen Umständen Grass dieser Ideenfund zufiel, einen sprechenden Plattfisch zur Zentralfigur seines Romans zu machen, bleibt im dunkeln verborgen: Es war ein echtes Serendipity-Erlebnis, das einen Kreativitätsschub zur Folge hatte, der allerdings weiterhin chaotisch, unstetig und sprunghaft verlief. Die amorphe Stoffmasse konnte erst bewältigt werden, nachdem mit der Disposition (dem Neunmonateschema der Schwangerschaft) und der diachronen Anlage vom Neolithikum bis in die Gegenwart des Autors das Organisationssystem erarbeitet war: Finderglück und selbstvergessenes Schreiben allein erzeugen noch kein episches Großwerk, sofern nicht 'die Fähigkeit zum Ausnutzen von Gelegenheiten' mitwirkt, die nach Luhmann Kreativität ausmacht.
Die erste Voraussetzung für eine Neuausrichtung des Verhältnisses der Künste und Medien zueinander bestand darin, dass jede und jedes von ihnen Eigenständigkeit und Gleichwertigkeit beanspruchen konnte. Keine Kunst und kein Medium sollte als zweitrangiger Dienstleister begriffen und missbraucht werden. Illustration von Texten wurde infolgedessen genauso abgelehnt wie eine schlichte Beschreibung einer malerischen Vorgabe.
This paper addresses the question of how to account for the semantic variability of weak free adjuncts. Weak free adjuncts are non-clausal adjuncts that associate with an argument of the main predicate, contribute propositional content, and can interact with temporal or modal operators, which leads to different, adverbial-clause-like interpretations. I focus on a specific type of weak adjuncts, non-clausal as-phrases, and propose a unified semantic analysis for the full range of interpretational possibilities that takes into account the interpretational contingency on different syntactic positions. I show that this analysis improves on Stump’s (1985) original analysis of weak adjuncts. I then go on to discuss the limitations of both Stump’s account and the unified account. Both accounts fail to capture that the interaction of weak adjuncts with modal operators underlies certain restrictions on the properties of the modal operators—an observation that has not been discussed in the literature so far.
'Enough'-/'too'-constructions (E/T constructions) have an implicative reading: e.g., "Mary was clever enough to leave early yesterday" entails Mary left early yesterday. I argue that this implicative reading is not due to the lexical semantics proper of 'enough'/'too', but due to its bi-clausal structure (e.g., the above-mentioned example is analyzed as "Mary left early yesterday because she was clever enough"). I analyze 'enough' and 'too' simply as degree modifiers that involve a comparison: 'enough' means reaching the lower bound of an interval, while 'too' means exceeding the upper bound of an interval. Then inspired by Schulz (2011), Baglini and Francez (2015), and Nadathur (2016), I relate the semantics of E/T constructions to causal dependence: due to some sufficiency/excess, the infinitival complement clause in E/T constructions is episodically or generically (depending on its aspect being perfective or imperfective) true/false. I also argue that this infinitive has its tense and aspect marked on the main predicate of sentences, resulting in the seeming correlation between aspect and implication in languages that overtly make a distinction between perfective and imperfective aspects (e.g., French).
Recent work by Sudo (2012) and Klinedinst (2016) proposes a new perspective on differences between classes of presupposition triggers, with an empirical split roughly mirroring Abusch’s (2002) hard vs. soft distinction and related notions. These two authors propose that triggers differ in whether or not their presuppositional content simultaneously affects the calculation of the presuppositions and of the entailments of the sentences in which they appear.
Drawing on a proposal by Glanzberg (2005) we formulate the Removability/Independence Hypothesis: triggers that do not affect entailments are triggers that can be left out of sentences without affecting interpretability. We experimentally test the hypothesis by embedding 'return', '(go) again' and '(go) back' in non-monotonic environments, which Sudo argues to elicit differences in presuppositions and entailments. Our results provide clear evidence against the RI hypothesis: whereas only the trigger 'return' is crucial for the sake of interpretability, all three triggers produced similar results. At the same time, data for the triggers 'stop' and 'also', included as controls, lend further support in favor of Sudo’s entailment-contrast proposal.
Generics and typicality
(2018)
Cimpian et al. (2010) observed that we accept generic statements of the form 'Gs are f' on relatively weak evidence, but that if we are unfamiliar with group G and we learn a generic statement about it, we still interpret it in a much stronger way: (almost) all Gs are f .
This paper makes use of notions like 'representativeness' and 'contingency' from (associative learning) psychology to provide a semantics of generics that explains why people accept generics based on weak evidence. We make use of the Heuristics and Biases approach of Tversky and Kahneman (1974) and the Associative Theory of Probability Judgements to explain pragmatically why people interpret generic statements in a much stronger way. The spirit of the approach has much in common with Leslie's (2008) cognition-based ideas about generics, but the semantics is grounded on Cohen's (1999) relative readings of generic sentences. The basic intuition is that a generic of the form 'Gs are f' is true, not because most Gs are (or tend to have) f , but because f is typical for G, which means that f is valuably associated with G.
Shared mechanism underlying unembedded and embedded enrichments:
evidence from enrichment priming
(2018)
In this paper, we use a priming paradigm to explore the mechanisms underlying unembedded and embedded scalar enrichments. In particular, the aim is to see if local pragmatic enrichment could be a shared mechanism, involved in both. The two experiments presented adopt Bott & Chemla's (2016) enrichment priming paradigm and test whether unembedded and embedded enrichments could prime each other. The goal is to investigate whether local pragmatic enrichment is indeed being accessed for the interpretation of the unembedded scalar and whether local enrichments, like other lexical semantic phenomena, are susceptible to priming.
The paper proposes a new semantics for good-predications involving finite if -and that-clauses. The proposal combines a standard semantics for conditionals with a standard semantics for the positive form of gradable adjectives and a minimal semantics for modal good. The predicted truth-conditions and conditions of use solve the mood puzzle presented in the first part of the paper. The remainder of the paper defends the classical notion of comparative goodness in terms of a comparison between possible worlds against Lassiter (2017)’s challenge.
This paper investigates the interpretation of Japanese -toka and -tari, two nonexhaustive particles that receive conjunctive interpretations in upward-entailing environments, but disjunctive interpretations in downward-entailing and question contexts.
We analyze -toka and -tari as items that introduce unstructured sets of alternatives in a Hamblin-style alternative semantics (Hamblin, 1973; Kratzer and Shimoyama, 2002), and derive their conjunctive and disjunctive readings via an interaction between these sets and the semantics of the environment containing them.
Based on a sample of seven languages, I show that the so-called modal inferences in ever free relatives (ignorance and indifference) are not universally available. The primary reading of ever free relatives crosslinguistically turns out to be a “non-modal” one, which is available to all languages under investigation. The implication is that if there is a modal inference triggered by the use of the ever-morpheme in FRs, the inference is likely to have a source external to the ever free relative (Lauer, 2009; Condoravdi, 2015; Hirsch, 2016). In line with this conclusion, I propose to generalize Hirsch’s (2016) analysis of ignorance ever free relatives, suggesting that all ever free relatives, no matter how they are ultimately interpreted, are instances of (un)conditionals + donkey-anaphoric definite descriptions.
Revising a proposal by Guerzoni (2003), we propose to derive universal projection of presuppositions in wh-questions, where attested, from a family of three felicity conditions on question use. Assuming that these felicity conditions can be violated under certain conditions, this proposal predicts a typology of contexts where universal projection can exceptionally be unattested. We propose that this prediction is correct, presenting a family of scenarios where the expected absence of universal projection is observed.
The meaning of counterfactual conditionals is standardly described using the similarity approach (Stalnaker, 1968; Lewis, 1973). This approach has recently been challenged by Ciardelli et al. (2018). They argue that the similarity approach is in principle unable to account for the meaning of counterfactuals with an antecedent consisting of a conjunction embedded under a negation (¬(p^q)). Ciardelli et al. (2018) dismiss the approach on these grounds and offer an alternative. The main goal of the present paper is to defend the similarity approach against this attack. I will argue that the problem that underlies the observations in Ciardelli et al. 2018 is more general and not solved by the solution they offer. I will furthermore argue, against Ciardelli et al. (2018), that the cause of the problem is not the similarity approach, but the interaction of negation with the meaning of counterfactual conditionals. The paper will conclude with a first outline of a solution for the problem, which still uses the similarity approach, but combines it with an alternative semantics for negation.
This paper deals with topic markers interacting with discourse information in imperatives. It compares two topic markers from Slovenian (‘pa’) and Japanese (‘-wa’) and shows that while they mostly match in terms of the foci they associate with, their functions differ in imperatives: only ‘pa’ may yield a concessive imperative reading. It is shown that this reading can be derived while keeping a single entry for ‘pa’ by making attitudes of discourse participants part of the focus ‘pa’ associates with. The split between Slovenian and Japanese can then be attributed to minor differences in terms of which foci ‘pa’ and ‘-wa’ may associate with.
This paper explores Turkish numeral constructions, which have typologically two interesting properties: (i) the existence of an optional classifier, (ii) the incompatibility of plurals with them. I argue that numerals are modifiers of type <<e,t>,<e,t>> defined only for atomic properties (Ionin and Matushansky 2006). The explanation rests on the semantics of bare singulars proposed to denote sets of atoms (contra Bale et al. 2010), and the semantics of the classifier claimed to be a partial identity function presupposing atomic properties.
Schlenker (2012) proposes that when framed within a modern Stalnakerian view of presupposition and common ground (Stalnaker, 1998, 2002), Maximize Presupposition! (Heim, 1991; Sauerland, 2008) can be viewed as a special case of the maxim of Quantity (Grice, 1975).
We provide data suggesting that in some cases, Maximize Presupposition! applies even when speakers are not expected to use a presupposition as vectors of new information. We argue that these data support the view that Maximize Presupposition! is an independent pragmatic principle, distinct from Quantity.
The proper semantic treatment of the complements of Responsive Predicates (ResPs), those predicates which may embed either declarative or interrogative clauses, is a longstanding puzzle, given standard assumptions about complement selection. In order to avoid positing systematic polysemy for ResPs, typical treatments of ResP complements treat their arguments either as uniformly declarative-like (propositional) or interrogative-like (question).
I shed new light on this question with novel data from Estonian, in which there are verbs think-like meanings with declarative complements and wonder-like meanings with interrogative complements. I argue that these verbs’ meaning is fundamentally incompatible with a proposition-taking semantics for ResPs, and therefore a question-taking semantics is to be preferred.
This paper presents the results of two experiments in German testing the acceptability of (non-)restrictive relative clauses (NRCs/RRCs) with split antecedents (SpAs). According to Moltmann (1992), SpAs are only grammatical if their parts occur within the conjuncts of a coordinate structure and if they have identical grammatical functions. Non-conjoined SpAs that form the subject and the object of a transitive verb are predicted to be ungrammatical. Our study shows that the acceptability of such examples improves significantly if the predicate that relates the parts of the SpA is symmetric. Moreover, it suggests that NRCs and RRCs behave differently in these cases with respect to the SpA-construal. We can make sense of this observation if we follow Winter (2016) in assuming that transitive symmetric predicates have to be analyzed as unary collective predicates and thus provide a collective antecedent for the RC at the semantic (not the syntactic) level. As we will argue, this accounts for some of the disagreement we found in the literature and gives us new insights into both the semantics of symmetric predicates and the semantics of NRCs.
Schlenker (2010) recently provided data from English and French suggesting that, contrary to standard assumptions (McCawley, 1982; Potts, 2005; Arnold, 2007; AnderBois et al., 2011), non-restrictive relative clauses (NRCs) can take narrow scope under operators of the sentence within which they are embedded. This paper presents three experiments in German confirming this claim. The results show that embedded readings are available with NRCs in German and give first insights into the puzzle under which conditions these embedded readings do or do not show up.