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Um Grenzen und Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen bildender Kunst und Poesie, Schrift und Bild aus der Perspektive des Umrisses soll es im folgenden gehen. Speziell steht die Frage an, welche Bedeutung dem Umriß bei der Differenzsetzung von klassizistischen und romantischen Kunstkonzeptionen zukommt. Auffällig ist nämlich, daß der im Neoklassizismus zur Leitreferenz aufgestiegene Umriß in der Romantik eine zwar anders ausgerichtete, aber nicht weniger wichtige Funktion für die Trennung und Verbindung der Künste spielt.
Die deutsche Romantik ist eine Zeit des Aufbruchs, der kühnen und spielerischen Anfangsexperimente; aber sie ist auch eine Zeit der Krise. Zwar herrscht sowohl in der literaturwissenschaftlichen Forschung wie in den weiter gespannten Versuchen einer kulturellen Diagnostik Einverständnis darüber, daß "Modernen" sich in wiederholten Schüben ereignet haben [...] und daß jede dieser neu erscheinenden Modernen an den Errungenschaften der vorangehenden partizipiert. Doch könnte man behaupten, daß die Krise, die sich in der deutschen Romantik abzeichnet, zu den
differenziertesten gehört, und daß sie in den Umbrüchen, die aus ihr resultierten, alle Felder des Wissens, des Imaginierens und des Darstellens nachhaltig affizierte und transformierte.
Die langanhaltende Faszination des Vorschlags von Leonardo da Vinci durch "verworrene und unbestimmte Dinge", als da sind "Mauerflecken, Asche im Feuer, Wolken oder Schlamm", den "Geist zu neuen Erfindungen" anzuregen, dürfte mit der Tatsache zusammenhängen, daß wir es hier mit einer Übergänglichkeit zwischen 'reiner' Projektion (bzw. Halluzination) ohne einen äußeren Stimulus und äußere, wenn auch noch so marginale Anreize zur Imagination zu tun haben. […] Auch kann man sagen, daß die Kräfte der Identifizierung und die der Entfremdung simultan ins Spiel treten[.]
Die Sekundärliteratur zu Johannes Urzidil, die in den Sechzigerjahren doch beträchtlich war, als der Autor noch lebte und durch seine häufigen Lesereisen nach Europa, seine liebenswürdige Art und seine überzeugende Kunst des Vortrags, seinen literarischen Ruhm steigerte, widmet sich meistens dem reifen Werk Urzidils, seinen im amerikanischen Exil entstandenen Erzählungen, Gedichten, Feuilletons, Essays, Memoiren, dem einzigen Roman, dem Goethe-Buch (dessen erste Fassung bereits in den 30er Jahren entstanden ist). Das Frühwerk der lOer und 20er Jahre wird in den meisten Arbeiten nur gestreift, als ob es zu unbekannt wäre oder vielleicht zu wenig interessant für die Rezensenten oder gar zu schlecht im Vergleich mit dem reifen Spätwerk?
In this paper I investigate the properties of the copula-like verb 'ficar' in Brazilian Portuguese using Pustejovsky's generative lexicon (GL). The verb 'ficar' can be translated as 'stay' or 'become', depending on its complement. With locatives, only the STAY reading is possible. With adjectival complements, both BECOME and STAY readings are possible. I propose that 'ficar' takes an eventuality as its complement and I argue that there is no need to create multiple lexical entries for it, since the readings are the result of the possible combinations between the transition denoted by 'ficar' and the properties of the stative complements.
I argue that the BECOME reading with adjectival predicates is the result of combining part of the qualia of the adjectival predicate with the TRANSITION of 'ficar'. The STAY readings of 'ficar'+adjective are the result of shadowing the transition. In the case of 'ficar'+locative, the BECOME reading is unavailable. Departing from the hypothesis that subevents have to be linked to arguments in order to be able to be modified by certain types of modifiers or be selected by certain types of heads, I argue that the transition, in the case of locative complements, is not associated to any argument because nothing in the qualia of the locative complement is compatible with a transition, given that there is not motion component in either 'ficar' or the locative. Unlinked to any argument, the TRANSITION can only be part of the 'constant' meaning of the verb, which explains why it is not available for modification.
In contradistinction to main verbs copula verbs like 'sein', 'werden' or 'bleiben' ('be', 'become' or 'remain') can, though with some restrictions, take projections of all lexical categories as complements. Semantically 'werden' and 'bleiben' are considered to be dual operators, related to each other by inner and outer (= dual) negation. But there are contexts where 'bleiben' seems to assume the meaning of its dual 'werden'. What at first glance appears to be an idiosyncracy of German turns out to hold for Swedish, Brazil-Portuguese and other unrelated languages as well.
'Werden' is more restricted than 'sein' and 'bleiben', it cannot have a locative complement. 'Bleiben' has the widest distribution, it can also take infinitives of verbs of position as complement. But in this case 'stehen bleiben' is ambiguous between a "remain" -reading and a "become" -reading.
In 15th century the Swedish verb 'bliva' - a borrowing from German - has undergone a change from the "remain"-reading to the "become"-reading. The "become"-reading of 'bliva' (later form 'bli') is only blocked (as is the German verb 'werden') in the case of a locative complement, where the "remain"-reading has survived. The two readings of 'bli' do not produce any ambiguity, except when taking a verb of position as complement - much the same as in German.
The paper attempts to pinpoint the conditions that lead to this surprising shift of meaning between duals.
The paper addresses the longstanding question of whether the copular verb "werden" ('become') is a transitional, i.e. telic, or a nontransitional, i.e. atelic, verb, or verb that is unspecified with regard to telicity. By means of standard tests and historical considerations, it is argued that the verb is telic and refers to accomplishment situations. Nevertheless, there are two types of copular "werden"-clauses with regard to which this view may seem questionable at first sight. First, some "werden"-clauses appear to refer to achievements. This, however, is not a matter concerning the semantics of werden. Rather, the crucial cases are accidentally instantaneous because their predicative complements are absolute predicates. Hence, they do not allow for extended transitions from one state to another. Second, some other "werden"-clauses, expecially those with comparative complements, sometimes appear to refer to processes. However "werden" combined with a comparatival adjective can be shown to be able to refer to clear accomplishment situations. The process-effect is due to a common phenomenon of reinterpretation that leads to iterative transitions between degrees.
The copula "sein" "be" in German, together with its complements, refers to a stative situation. Besides offering argument positions in its Semantic Form SF, it has no other function. Stative verbs are not specified with respect to the beginning or the end of a described situation or with respect to the state before or after. I will take the verb "werden" "become, get" to be a copular verb as well. The only difference to "sein" is that "werden" refers to a nonstative or changing situation. I argue that "werden" is underspecified in two respects. Like motion verbs and successive patient verbs (SUK verbs in Krifka (1989)) "werden" switches between an unlimited and a limited process (accomplishment) dependent on its complement (cf. "älter werden" "get older" / "vorwärts gehen" "go forward" / "Tee trinken" "drink tea" vs. "alt werden" "get old" / "in das Zimmer gehen" "go into the room"/ "eine Tasse Tee trinken" "drink a cup of tea"). But "werden" is even more underspecified than these verbs; it is the only verb which covers all nonstative situations, not only processes and accomplishments but also punctual transitions (achievements), cf. "schwanger werden" "get pregnant". "Werden" is anything but stative. Whether there is a target state implied or not, or whether the transition to this target state is extensible or atomic, is the result of the composition of the meaning of "werden" and its intimal argument added by special meaning postulates. Hierarchically marked subtypes of situational arguments result as a side effect.
This paper investigates syntactic properties of verbless constructions in Chinese. Verbless constructions differ from constructions with overt verbs in three major respects. First, there is a VP-internal nominal raising in Chinese, which is optional if an overt verb shows up, and obligatory if there is no overt verb. Second, while an overt verb can select various kinds of argument, the internal argument of a verbless construction cannot be indefinite. Third, there are two types of object depictive secondary predication constructions, and only one of them allows for a null verb.
This contribution concerns the interaction of morphology, syntax and semantics. It treats German past participles and concentrates on their function as heads in attributive and adverbial modifier phrases. It is argued that participles have the same argument structure as the underlying verbs and can undergo passivization, perfectivization and conversion to adjectives. Since these three operations involve changes in the morphosyntactic categorization they are considered as zero affixation. Two affixless templates – without any categorical changes – convert participle constructions to modifiers relating to participants or to situations. These phrases do not have a syntactic position for the grammatical subject, an operator or an adverbial relator. The pertinent components are present only in the semantic structure. Two further templates serve the composition of participle constructions as modifiers with the modificandum. It is necessary to differentiate between modifiers which function as predicates and those which have the status of a propositional operator. In syntax, these different semantic functions correspond to different adjunct positions of the respective participle phrases.