Open Access

Jevgenij Zintchenko Jurlina

• This dissertation is an investigation of pitch accent, or lexical tone, in standard Croatian. The first chapter presents an in-depth overview of the history of the Croatian language, its relationship to Serbo-Croatian, its dialect groups and pronunciation variants, and general phonology. The second chapter explains the difference between various types of prosodic prominence and describes systems of pitch accent in various languages from different parts of the world: Yucatec Maya, Lithuanian and Limburgian. Following is a detailed account of the history of tone in Serbo-Croatian and Croatian, the specifics of its tonal system, intonational phonology and finally, a review of the most prominent phonetic investigations of tone in that language. The focal point of this dissertation is a production experiment, in which ten native speakers of Croatian from the region of Slavonia were recorded. The material recorded included a diverse selection of monosyllabic, bisyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic words, containing all four accents of standard Croatian: short falling, long falling, short rising and long rising. Each target word was spoken in initial, medial and final positions of natural Croatian sentences. This research fills several gaps in the existing literature. Namely, the production of tone was investigated in words with a syllabic /r̩/, in pretonal syllables and in non-initial context. Acoustic parameters measured included duration, F0 in every 10% of the nucleus duration, overall pitch, pitch range and pitch peak alignment. Results showed that differences between falling and rising accents in Croatian are produced mainly with tonal parameters and that the most salient features were pitch peak alignment and overall pitch. The difference between long and short accents was primarily durational and optionally tonal. Words produced in initial and medial sentence positions had a rising contour in their accented syllable, while in the final, segments were usually falling.