Focus constraints on ellipsis - an Unalternatives account

  • This paper presents a new account of the generalization that focused elements cannot be elided, framed within Unalternative Semantics, a framework that does away with syntactic F-marking. We propose the mirror image of the generalization: what is elided cannot introduce alternatives. We implement this as a focus restriction in UAS and then go on to show how to account for MAXELIDE effects using the same technique, without making reference to any transderivational constraints.

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Metadaten
Author:Muriel Assmann, Daniel Büring, Izabela Jordanoska, Max Prüller
URN:urn:nbn:de:hebis:30:3-558036
DOI:https://doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.60.2018.457
ISSN:1435-9588
ISSN:0947-7055
Parent Title (German):Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 22, Vol. 1 / eds. Uli Sauerland and Stephanie Solt. Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft: ZAS papers in linguistics ; Nr. 60
Publisher:Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS)
Place of publication:Berlin
Document Type:Part of a Book
Language:English
Year of Completion:2020
Year of first Publication:2018
Publishing Institution:Universitätsbibliothek Johann Christian Senckenberg
Release Date:2020/09/11
Tag:MaxElide; alternative semantics; ellipsis; focus; secondary focus; unalternative semantics
Page Number:18
First Page:109
Last Page:126
HeBIS-PPN:470273836
Dewey Decimal Classification:4 Sprache / 40 Sprache / 400 Sprache
4 Sprache / 41 Linguistik / 410 Linguistik
Sammlungen:Linguistik
Linguistik-Klassifikation:Linguistik-Klassifikation: Semantik / Semantics
Zeitschriften / Jahresberichte:ZAS papers in linguistics : ZASPiL / ZASPiL 60 = Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 22, Vol. 1
:urn:nbn:de:hebis:30:3-559256
Licence (German):License LogoCreative Commons - Namensnennung 4.0