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- onomastics (4)
- onomastic interferences (2)
- "The chronicle and the song of the ages” (1)
- German and Romanian surnames in Transylvania (1)
- German-Romanian bilinguism (1)
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- Romanian-German interculturality in Transilvania (1)
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- Transylvanian onomastics (1)
- Tresa Rűther-Seeli Sursilvan contemporary lyrics (1)
- an explanation of the Transylvanian toponyms (1)
- analysis of orthography and spelling (1)
- autochthonous Transylvanian family names (1)
- demographic migration (1)
- digital onomastic geography (1)
- ergonyms (1)
- ethnic and political groups (1)
- ethnonyms (1)
- family name (1)
- gastronomic interferences (1)
- gastronomic terms in German Language from the Transylvanian cuisine of the 19th and 20th centuries (1)
- geographic linguistics (1)
- historical street names in Transsilvania (1)
- linguistic history (1)
- literature – means for preserving a language (1)
- minority and linguistic identity (1)
- morpho-lexical (1)
- multilingualism in Transylvania (1)
- name of profession Rom. Fleşer (< Germ. Fleischer) (1)
- names of international airlines (1)
- names of products (1)
- onomastic (1)
- onomatological geography (1)
- origin of proper names (1)
- semantic and statistic analysis (1)
- street names (1)
- street – lane (1)
- the origin and geography of surnames (1)
- the period of the German (1)
- the surname Lutsch (phonology and geographic spreading) (1)
- the surname of Pfaff in Germany and Romania (1)
- variety (1)
- victims of the First World War and of the Second World War (1)
The aim of the present paper is to describe the geographic diffusion of the family name Pfaff in Germany, starting from the telephone directory of 2005 and retracing the historic linguistic phenomena that led to the formation of this name. Pfaff (mhd. phaffe, md. paffe, nd. pape, southern German Pfaffe “priest” or “churchman”) is explained both as an agnomen and as the name of a profession. Our map represents an addition to the maps that have already appeared in dtv – Atlas Namenkunde (1999), Duden-Familiennamen (2005) and Deutscher Familiennamenatlas (2011), for it additionally and thoroughly renders not? only the geographic diffusion of the family name Pfaff in Germany but also in Transylvania, where the name also exists. [this surname also exists in Transylvania]. The type Pfaff (5056 telephone addresses) is spread all over Germany, but we notice two areas of high frequency: one, according to our expectations, in the southern part of the Benrath Line and on the right of the Germersheim Line, but also on the left of the latter, especially in the rectangle Koblenz – Kassel – Hof – Frankfurt and also in south-western Germany (in Schwarzwald –The Black Forest). The northern version Pape, approximately twice more frequent than Pfaff(e), did not adapt to standard German, due to the negative connotations of the appellative Pfaffe, Pfaffen, which appeared at the same time as the Church Reform in the 16th century. In some places in Transylvania, the surname Pfaff was replaced with the version Prediger. The appellative Pfaffe and the family name Pfaff (in the Saxon language – the Romanian “limba sãseascã”: faf, pfaf ) contributed to the formation of different rural toponyms in Transylvania. The surname Pfaff is spread not only in the German linguistic space, but also in areas where ethnic Germans live (France, Luxembourg, Belgium, Holland, Poland, Romania, USA, Canada, Argentina). In Romania, there are very few Pfaff surnames in telephone books for the 2008-2009 period, due to the massive migration of the German ethnics to Germany after 1990.
The aim of the present paper is to analyse the trilingual Transylvanian toponyms (German, Hungarian an d Romanian) from the Terra ante Silvanum (The Realm Beneath the Forest) and to reconstruct and explain them. When the Saxons arrived in Transylvania, in the 12th Century, they met Szekler, Hungarian and Romanian ethnic groups. The Realm Beneath the Forest represents, from a historical point of view, the Western border of the Transylvanian territory inhabited by the Saxons, which was not a compact area and which was divided into three districts (Sibiu, Brașov, and Bistrița) and two ‘seats’ (Mediaș and Șeica). The Realm Beneath the Forest included three ‘seats’ (Lat. sedes, judicial and administrative forums): Orăștie, Sebeș and Miercurea Sibiului. All the areas of the Realm Beneath the Forest, both those inhabited by German and/or Hungarian and Romanian populations and those inhabited only by Romanian people, have corresponding toponyms in all three languages. The toponyms Orăștie, Romos, Aurel Vlaicu, Pianul de Jos, Petrești, Sebeș, Câlnic, Reciu, Gârbova, Dobârca, Miercurea Sibiului, Apoldu de Sus, Amnaș that are analysed in the paper can be classified according to the following criteria: according to their founder, to the river that flows through the area, to the local toponyms, to their origin and their way of formation. A series of toponyms contributed to the apparition of some autochthonous family names such as Broser, Hamlescher, Kellinger, Mühlbächer, Polder, Rätscher, Urbiger.
In this work we aim to analyze the statute of the Romansh language and of its idioms in the Grison/Graubűnden Canton (Switzerland), from the Sursilvan lyrics perspective of Tresa Rűther-Seeli and her contemporary, Linard Candreia. Because of the massive split of the five Romanic idioms with own writing, of the fact that none of them had developed into a standard literary language, as well as of the massive decrease in the population who speaks them, the situation of these idioms becomes dramatic, in spite of and because of the intervention of the political factor to impose a standard official language – Romansh.
The purpose of this work is the linguistic analysis of the German street names in Petreşti, a locality in the county of Alba situated 4 kilometers south of the town of Sebeş which has a German-Romanian bilingual population. We also want to develop a morpho-lexical analysis (compounds of two words and descriptive constructions formed by a preposition and a noun), as well as of aspects of orthography and spelling (we analyze especially the inconsequences which appeared in the spelling of the street names and in their orthography), and furthermore an analysis of onomastic interferences, starting from the comparison of the German and Romanian street names (translation calques and words resulted from calques).
Starting from the peculiar presentation of the geographic spreading of the surname Lutsch in Germany (see the map), based on telephone books from 1995, the aim of the present paper is to reconstruct the history of this last name. Lutsch has its origin in the hypocoristic Lu(t)z(erm. Lud [wig]), it is a German surname specific to Transylvania, being spread especially in its south-western area. The fact that this surname is so rare today (Sibiu, Cindy, Apoldu de Sus, Slimnic, Sebeș, Gârbova, Pianu de Jos, Hunedoara, isolatedly and Brașov, Târgu Secuiesc, Bistrița) is due first of all to the settling of the German ethnics in The Federal Republic of Germany between 1970-1990. It is a coincidence that the name Lutsch can be found today especially in the south of Germany, overlapping with the spreading area of the surname Lutz, for the persons who have this surname do not represent the native population of Southern Germany, but the German emigrants from Transylvania.
The present study plans on highlighting aspects of completing the 4-year middle school term, which was in German, by the poet, writer, philosopher and playwright Lucian Blaga; more specifically aspects on following German schools in Blaga’s family, his early school days, stories about the educator Roth and the teacher Hans Wolf, on the location of the building and the atmosphere in the school, on the contact with the German culture and language which subsequently marked his personality and his work. At the heart of this presentation lies the autobiographical writing “The chronicle and the song of the ages”, published posthumously by “Editura Tineretului din Bucureşti” (“The Youth’s Publishing House from Bucureşti”) in 1965.
In the paper, all German surnames (63 different names) and also the Romanian ones (45 different names) are analyzed from a semantic and statistic perspective. These family names belong to the inhabitants of Petreºti/Sebeº who were the victims of the First World War, of the Second World War and of the communist régime. The names of these 216 people were taken from the commemorative plaques from the Lutheran Protestant Church and on the Heroes’ Monument placed in the yard of the city’s Orthodox Church.
The purpose of this study is to reconstruct and document the image of “The Other’’ starting with the historical street names in the Transylvanian town of Sebeş, Alba County, founded in the thirteenth century by German settlers. Due to the fact that, throughout Middle Ages, one of the criteria of naming the streets of a borough was, inter alia, the ethnic one, the street names of the town reveal the ethnic groups which would form the population of the town: Székelys (Siculorumgasse), Saxons (Sachsgasse, Herrengasse, Petrigasse a.s.o.), Romans (Opricestengasse, Suseni– and Joseni Viertel), Greek and Macedonian, as well as Germans from the Southwestern Germany and Austria, who founded the north quarter of the town, in the eighteenth century (Saxonii Noi Street, Saxonii Vechi Street, Quer Gasse). In Sebeş, the street names established after the specific place the road leads the way to also contribute to the image of “The Other’’ (Petersdorfer Gässchen, Daiagasse and Hermannstädter Straße). Furthermore, the names of various local or super regional personalities who influenced the existence of the town also have an important contribution. Examples to illustrate this aspect are particularly the street names from the early stalinist period of communism in Romania (Stalin Street, V. I. Lenin Street, Miciurin Street, Malinovski Street, Rosa Luxemburg Street).
The present study aims at analyzing the names of international airlines from the point of view of their origin, being based on both Hengi’s list (2012), which consists of 340 names, and the Wikipedia.de list, which is made up of 833 proper names.
The names of airlines could be considered nominal groups, consisting of an appellative nucleus, which describes the activity, and onomastic determiners, which particularize the activity of the company.
The particularizing function of the names of international airlines does not consist in the meaning of the name, but in its noteworthiness, in the types of associations it triggers in the mind of the perceiver.
Thusly, depending on the origin of names of international airlines, four types of constructions can be distinguished: 1. Airlines named after the people or the companies which own them (Antonov Airlines, NIKI Luftfahrt, Widerøe, TUIfly), 2. Airlines that have toponyms included in their names (Air France, Carpatair, Air Caraibes, Alaska Airlines, Air Pacific), 3. Symbol – names (Lion Air, Blue Air, Edelweiß Air, Pegasus Airlines, Silkair, Mandarin Airlines), 4. Conceptual names (ANA, Luxair, IndiGo, W!ZZ, Hello, WOWair).
By suggesting either positive or at least neutral traits through their names, such as seriousness, trust, transparency, safety, expressiveness, creativity, attractiveness, originality, modernity, internationality, airlines manage to faultlessly accomplish their marketing and advertising functions.
Banater Schnitten, Pariser Stangen, Russische Elegante : zur Reichweite siebenbürgischer Kochrezepte
(2014)
The present paper analyses the gastronomic terms with geographical components, which appear especially in the German cooking books, characteristic for the 19th and 20th century from Transylvania. The linguistic analysis (phonology, morpho-syntax, and semantics) and the pragmatics of these terms help us to reflect the economic, historical and cultural realities of those times; the interethnic interferences from the gastronomic field are as profound as those from the cultural and linguistic field are.
The present paper accumulates information and studies the etymology of the Romanian ethnonym “Aleman” and its versions, beginning from their geographical spread throughout Romania and Germany. The Romanian surnames “Aleman” and “Aloman” (highest prevalence in the area of Transylvania, in the Sibiu and Alba counties), as well as “Aliman”, “Alimănescu”, “Alaman” and “Alman” (highest prevalence in the areas of Muntenia, Oltenia and Dobrogea) do not come from the French term “allman” as their German equivalents “Allman”, “Allmang”, “Lallemand” do, which are concentrated in the Western Germany (in the Saarland, Rhineland-Palatinate German federal districts), due to the fact that there are no correspondents to the surnames of the Transylvanian Saxons. Therefore, the origin of these Romanian surnames is more likely to relate to the Turkish term “aleman” (see Iordan, 1983, p. 25 and 23), which also refers to the Germanic tribe of alamans or alemans, having the same meaning of “German”. The geographical proliferation of the “Aleman” and “Aliman” versions of the term is specific to the East to West population migration phenomena. These versions are the only ones existent in today’s Germany. Thus the “Aleman” and “Aliman” surnames are to be found in strongly industrialized centers such as Munich, Stuttgart, Karlsruhe, Mannheim, Wiesbaden, Bielefeld, Hamburg and not in the area of the German-French frontier (see following map).
The family name Fleşer and its viariations come from the German family name and from the common noun with the same form Fleischer (Rom. „măcelar” – butcher) which is prevalent in East and Northeast of Germany today, and which in its turn appeard as the aftermath of a contraction of the compound noun Fleischhauer (Lat. macellator), initially spread in the centre and North of Germany.
The monophthongal noun Fleşer and its variant forms Fleşeru, Fleşeriu, Fleşieru and Fleşariu, formed with the suffix of German origin determining the agent -er (< lat. -arius) or with that/those of Romanian origin -ar(iu), (< lat. -arius) are concentrated mainly in Transilvania today, especially in the neighbouring counties of Alba and Sibiu.
Hence, the family name Fleşer and its variations turn out to be compelling examples of the linguistic interculturality between German and Romanian in Transilvania and in Romania, in this case demonstrated in terms of onomastic.