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In this paper we address the question of which transitive verbs allow there-insertion in Danish. We propose that two constraints have to be met in order for verbs to appear in Danish there-constructions. Firstly, as have been noted by others, an empty direct object position must be available. This constraint is not sufficient for restricting the set of verbs in there-constructions. We further propose a locative constraint. The transitive verbs allowing there-insertion will be shown to coincide with verbs that allow a locative analysis.
Pseudocoordination in Danish
(2007)
In this paper we propose an analysis of Danish pseudocoordination constructions. The analysis is based on a hybrid phrase hierarchy where phrase types are assumed to be subtypes of types that cut across the traditional division of phrasal types, allowing the phrase type of pseudocoordinations to be a subtype of both coordinate phrases and headed phrases, and consequently inherit properties from both types. The analysis is linearization-based. We further develop a set of constraints on the phrasal types in the hierarchy.
The hybrid phrase hierarchy and the set of constraints on the various types in the hierarchy explain why, on the one hand, pseudocoordinations contain conjunctions and the conjuncts must have the same form and tense, and on the other, have a fixed order, allow extraction out of the second conjunct, do not allow overt subjects in the second conjunct and allow transitive verbs to appear in there-constructions.
This paper presents an analysis of Danish free relative constructions. Fol- lowing Bresnan and Grimshaw (1978) we will adopt a wh-head (in Danish hv-head) analysis where the hv-phrase is the head of an NP. Also following Bresnan and Grimshaw (1978) we will propose an analysis which does not involve a filler-gap dependency between the hv-phrase and the gap in the sis- ter clause. Instead we will propose that the gap in the sister clause is bound off by a constructional constraint. In this way the analysis will be shown to differ from previous HPSG wh-head analyses of free relatives.
The present paper proposes an analysis of the asymmetrical distribution of der, 'there', in embedded interrogative and relative clauses, respectively, in standard Danish. The analysis sets itself apart from previous analyses in integrating information structural constraints. We will show that the discourse function of the extracted subject in the clauses in question determines whether der insertion takes place in standard Danish. The analysis will further be shown to support the position that der in interrogative and relative clauses is an expletive subject filler, and that from an information structural point of view, the der in existential, presentational, passives and relative clauses is indeed the same der.