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This paper is intended to show how Latinos in general and Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, and Puerto Ricans in particular, engage politically in the United States. Latinos execute their influence by voting or in non-electoral activities like campaign work or financial contributions. As an individual, one participates as a member of society and possibly as a member of an interest group, i.e. a party. Thus, to be successful, it is necessary to combine one’s personal interest with that of others in order to form an alliance that, due to its size, may have an impact on the political stage. This study will show which factors are necessary and which steps were taken to gain and enhance Latino political influence. In doing so, it will become clear that Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, and Puerto Ricans all started their struggle from diverse backgrounds and possess significantly different goals. Although common language unites these three national-origin groups, they do not have the same political and economic resources at their disposal. Decisive differences in immigration politics, naturalization, and economic opportunities become visible and will prove a distinct heterogeneity of Latinos concerning political behavior and goals. Political activities of Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, and Puerto Ricans will be outlined as well as how they differ from each other. In doing so, it is necessary to take notice of their specific histories and legal experiences upon arrival in the United States. Furthermore, different demographic factors of the three national-origin groups additionally affect political participation. An understanding of Latino political participation should be in the interest of the U.S. public as well as scholars engaging in American Studies. This biggest minority increasingly makes its presence felt in the electoral arena, especially at the state level. In states such as California, Texas, Florida and New Mexico Latinos constitute decisive voting blocs. But also, Latinos nationwide enlarge their political clout, due to cumulative numbers and a more developed political consciousness. With this national and state level significance of the Latino electorate, examining their policy preferences and goals has become progressively more important to the understanding of the U.S. political scene. The approach here is twofold. First, political participation of the Latino population as a whole will be researched; using numbers and results from the presidential election 2004. In this part of the paper, the concept of pan-ethnicity using the label Latino will be used to sum up Spanish-speaking nationalities and their political efforts. In order to be eligible to vote, certain legal requirements are to be met, so factors that account for voting will be outlined first. In accordance with the large share of non-citizens among the Latino population, it is also necessary to examine their non-electoral political activities. The second part will portray Latinos in more detail, examining the three largest national-origin groups. By demonstrating their specific histories and varied experiences and opportunities in U.S. politics, it will become clear that when talking about Latino Politics, it is indispensable to bear in mind the heterogeneity of America’s biggest minority and the side effects this has.
Die in den 1990er Jahren erneuerte sozialwissenschaftliche Debatte um Staatsbürgerschaft (citizenship) als ein Verhältnis von Nation, Staat und Individuum, das über rein rechtliche Arrangements hinausgeht und auch Fragen der politischen und kulturellen Zugehörigkeit im weiteren Sinn betrifft, hat seit fünf bis zehn Jahren auch die Literatur- und Kulturwissenschaften erreicht, mit eigenen Schwerpunktsetzungen und Konzepten. Eines dieser Konzepte, das des sexual citizenship, ist das Thema der kulturwissenschaftlichen Magisterarbeit "We Will Be Citizens: The Notion of Citizenship in Tony Kushner's Angels in America and Larry Kramer's The Normal Heart". Kramer's The Normal Heart (1985) und Kuschner's Angels in America (1993/95) werden als Beispiele für Theaterstücke der 'ersten' und 'zweiten' Generation, die sich mit der AIDS-Krise der 1980er Jahre auseinandersetzen analysiert; dabei, so das zentrale Argument, geht es in beiden Stücken darum, die Auseinandersetzung mit AIDS und die formulierte Kritik an der unzureichenden Reaktion der Reagan-Administration auf die AIDS-Krise im Kontext von Neuverhandlungen von sexual citizenship zu lesen, also als Neuverhandlung der Rechte und gesellschaftlichen Teilhabemöglichkeit für als von der 'sexuellen Norm abweichend' definierte Personengruppen, im Kontext der Stücke vor allem homosexuelle Männer. Dabei wird citizenship klar als ein kulturelles Konzept definiert und macht dadurch auch die Bedeutung kultureller Produktionen (z.B. Literatur) für die Debatten deutlich: "Citizenship is not only to be understood as a political issue, but also as socially and materially constructed and culturally coded. If we understand culture as the ways of doing things and of organizing society, then the negotiations of citizenship take place, among other ways, through culture" (5). Die Diskussion des Themas beginnt mit einer zielgerichteten Skizze der theoretischen Debatten um sexual citizenship, der Rolle von AIDS für diese Debatten (Kap. 2) und einer Übersicht über die AIDS-Krise der 1980er Jahre (Kap. 3). Dabei stellt er mit Sontag, Yingling und Isin die Konstruktionen von Alterität – krank/gesund, self/other, citizen/non-citizen – die die Diskussion prägen, in den Vordergrund der Analyse. In den beiden folgenden Kapitel (4 und 5) werden die beiden Stücke mit Blick auf die jeweilige Aushandlung von sexual citizenship diskutiert; für Kramers Stück wird dabei das Thema schwule Identität, eine auf Aktivismus hin ausgerichtete Agenda und das Plädoyer für gesellschaftliche Anerkennung hervorgestellt, während bei der Analyse von Kuschners Text dessen Inszenierung von 'Geschichte' und ideologischer Kritik im Vordergrund steht. Den Abschluss bildet ein Vergleich der beiden Stücke in Hinsicht auf ihre jeweilige Agenda und deren Umsetzung. The Normal Heart, verfolgt insgesamt eine eher assimilatorische Sto߬richtung, die versucht, Homosexualität zu 'norm(alis)ieren', während Angels, radikaler, die Konstruktionen von sexuellen Normen hinterfragt und ein Recht auf Differenz proklamiert (z.B. S. 69).
More than 100 years after Henry James’s death, criticism is still working through unresolved gender issues in his fiction. This study proposes a new interdisciplinary approach to the gendered power relations in James’s novels that fills a crucial vacancy in the literature. Reading James’s intricately woven narrative form through the lens of relational sociology, specifically Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic domination, reconciles some of the most fiercely disputed positions in James studies of the past decades. With its focus on gender-related symbolic domination, this study demonstrates this approach’s potential to probe the depths of James’s fictional social worlds while developing the narratological tools to do so.
Many critics have paid attention to the relational nature of James’s social fictions as well as his talent for capturing unspoken, invisible, hidden social constraints. Blatantly missing from the literature is a systematic relational analysis into the specifically Jamesian method of narrating the socio-psychological, embodied responses to power and oppression. The present study closes this research gap. It reveals how James persistently narrates his characters as social agents whose perception, affects, and bodily practices are products of the social structures that they in turn continue to shape and reproduce. Moreover, it traces a development throughout James’s career that reflects his growing sensitivity for the stubbornness of some seemingly insurmountable social constraints. James’s fictional social worlds are relational ones through and through. This study is the first sustained effort to investigate the way in which his narratives capture this interrelatedness.