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Part VI of our series on ISIS : "Blogforum 'Kalifat des Terrors: Interdisziplinäre Perspektiven auf den Islamischen Staat".
In 2014, two insurgency organisations stood out by their expansion, success and brutality: The Islamic State (IS) and Boko Haram (BH). The former emerged from the conflicts in Syria and Iraq and became a major actor in the Middle East, its influence reaching beyond the borders of its self-proclaimed “caliphate”, while the latter spread its violence throughout north-eastern Nigeria, spilling over into Cameroon, Chad and Niger. Because of their still growing success, many wonder about a possible partnership between IS and BH. To this I answer that there is a connection, but no partnership. Currently, any evidence suggesting a partnership is circumstantial at best...
Part V of our series on ISIS : "Blogforum 'Kalifat des Terrors: Interdisziplinäre Perspektiven auf den Islamischen Staat".
Since 2003, several organizations in the Arab world swore allegiance to Osama Bin Laden and al-Qaida and became part of what was been called “al-Qaeda’s affiliate network”. The emergence of al-Qaeda groups in Saudi Arabia 2003, Iraq 2004, Algeria 2007 and Yemen 2009 convinced many supporters and enemies that there was a truly global network of jihadist groups at work, commanded and controlled by the al-Qaeda leadership in Pakistan.
However, the reality was a lot more complicated. Far from being subordinate to Osama Bin Laden and Aiman al-Zawahiri, these organizations were not willing to submit to al-Qaeda command and control. Their relationship with “al-Qaeda central” was rather an alliance between independent partners of different strength. Although the al-Qaeda leadership sometimes influenced decisions taken by the regional groupings, there are numerous examples of “affiliates” ignoring its advice even regarding strategic issues.
Part IV of our series on ISIS : "Blogforum 'Kalifat des Terrors: Interdisziplinäre Perspektiven auf den Islamischen Staat".
One element within US counter-terrorism strategies is “reducing terrorist group cohesion”, as the think tank RAND recommends in one of its reports. The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point (CTC) puts these recommendations into actions. Reports like ”Cracks in the Foundation” or ”Dysfunction and Decline” vividly depict the internal disagreement and disunity between al-Qaeda central (AQ) and its regional affiliates, most of all AQ in Iraq (AQI). Albeit these reports are drafted by pundits and certainly provide meaningful and often rare insights into the inner life of the global jihadi movement, they also serve another purpose: to deliberately amplify the very same trend they describe: disunity...
ISIS' politics of sex
(2015)
Part III of our series on ISIS : "Blogforum 'Kalifat des Terrors: Interdisziplinäre Perspektiven auf den Islamischen Staat#".
In the late summer of 2014, the international community watched helplessly as ISIS unleashed widespread serious human rights violations against civilians across Syria and Iraq. Of note, were the different forms of sexual abuse initially directed against women from the Yazidi community of Sinjar, but rapidly expanded to women from many regions and backgrounds. Far from being attributable to isolated incidents or to the behavior of a few individuals, the abuses were, and continue to be, part of the “sexual politics” implemented by ISIS in all “wilayas” (regions) under its control and endorsed by its military hierarchy. The abuses represent a clear example of the use of rape as a weapon of war, based on the “theology of sexuality” in a war zone. Fatwas and theological arguments inspired by the medieval practices of historical Muslim armies provide the justification for the policies and practices.
Some observers have conjectured that oil supply shocks in the United States and in other countries are behind the plunge in the price of oil since June 2014. Others have suggested that a major shock to oil price expectations occurred when in late November 2014 OPEC announced that it would maintain current production levels despite the steady increase in non-OPEC oil production. Both conjectures are perfectly reasonable ex ante, yet we provide quantitative evidence that neither explanation appears supported by the data. We show that more than half of the decline in the price of oil was predictable in real time as of June 2014 and therefore must have reflected the cumulative effects of earlier oil demand and supply shocks. Among the shocks that occurred after June 2014, the most influential shock resembles a negative shock to the demand for oil associated with a weakening economy in December 2014. In contrast, there is no evidence of any large positive oil supply shocks between June and December. We conclude that the difference in the evolution of the price of oil, which declined by 44% over this period, compared with other commodity prices, which on average only declined by about 5%-15%, reflects oil-market specific developments that took place prior to June 2014.
This paper is motivated by the fact that nearly half of U.S. college students drop out without earning a bachelor’s degree. Its objective is to quantify how much uncertainty college entrants face about their graduation outcomes. To do so, we develop a quantitative model of college choice. The innovation is to model in detail how students progress towards a college degree. The model is calibrated using transcript and financial data. We find that more than half of college entrants can predict whether they will graduate with at least 80% probability. As a result, stylized policies that insure students against the financial risks associated with uncertain graduation have little value for the majority of college entrants.
Little attention so-far has been paid to the influence of chronobiology on the processes of nanoparticle uptake and transport into the brain, even though this transport appears to be chronobiologically controlled to a significant degree. Nanoparticles with specific surface properties enable the transport across the blood–brain barrier of many drugs that normally cannot cross this barrier. A clear dependence of the central antinociceptive (analgesic) effects of a nanoparticle-bound model drug, i.e., the hexapeptide dalargin, on the time of day was observable after intravenous injection in mice. In addition to the strongly enhanced antinociceptive effect due to the binding to the nanoparticles, the minima and maxima of the pain reaction with the nanoparticle-bound drug were shifted by almost half a day compared to the normal circadian nociception: The maximum in the pain reaction after i.v. injection of the nanoparticle-bound dalargin occurred during the later rest phase of the animals whereas the normal pain reaction and that of a dalargin solution was highest during the active phase of the mice in the night. This important shift could be caused by an enhanced endo- and exocytotic particulates transport activity of the brain capillary endothelial cells or within the brain during the rest phase.
Microtubules execute diverse mitotic events that are spatially and temporally separated; the underlying regulation is poorly understood. By combining drug treatments, large-scale immunoprecipitation and mass spectrometry, we report the first comprehensive map of mitotic phase-specific protein interactions of the microtubule-end binding protein, EB1. EB1 interacts with some, but not all, of its partners throughout mitosis. We show that the interaction of EB1 with Astrin-SKAP complex, a key regulator of chromosome segregation, is enhanced during prometaphase, compared to anaphase. We find that EB1 and EB3, another EB family member, can interact directly with SKAP, in an SXIP-motif dependent manner. Using an SXIP defective mutant that cannot interact with EB, we uncover two distinct pools of SKAP at spindle microtubules and kinetochores. We demonstrate the importance of SKAP's SXIP-motif in controlling microtubule growth rates and anaphase onset, without grossly disrupting spindle function. Thus, we provide the first comprehensive map of temporal changes in EB1 interactors during mitosis and highlight the importance of EB protein interactions in ensuring normal mitosis.
Seit einem Jahr ist im Umfeld der Vereinten Nationen immer wieder von einem „Human Rights Up Front Aktionsplan“ zu hören. Erst kürzlich forderte Generalsekretär Ban Ki-moon die Mitgliedstaaten in einer Ansprache zu den Prioritäten der UN 2015 auf den Aktionsplan zu unterstützen. Doch was ist das für eine Initiative und welche Resultate hat sie bislang hervorgebracht? Diesen Fragen geht dieser Beitrag auf den Grund.