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In this chapter we develop an agenda for future research on the personalization of politics. To do so, we clarify the propositions of the personalization hypothesis, critically discuss the normative standard on which most studies base their evaluation of personalization, and systematically summarize empirical research findings. We show that the condemnation of personalization is based on a trivial logic and on a maximalist definition of democracy. The review of empirical studies leads us to question the assumption that personalization has steadily increased in all areas of politics. Finally, our normative considerations help us develop new research questions on how personalized politics affects democracy. Moreover, this review also makes clear that another weakness of today's empirical research on the personalization of politics lies in methodological problems and a lack of analysis of the impacts of systemic and contextual variables. Consequently, we suggest methodological pathways and possible explanatory factors for the study of personalization.
One of the byproducts of World War II of which society is hardly aware is the new stage of development which the social sciences have reached. This development indeed may prove to be as revolutionary at the atom bomb. Applying cultural anthropology to modern rather than "primitive" cultures, experimentation with groups inside and outside the laboratory, the measurement of sociopsychological aspects of large social bodies, the combination of economic, cultural, and psychological fact-finding, all of these developments started before the war. But, by providing unprecedented facilities and by demanding realistic and workable solutions to scientific problems, the war has accelerated greatly the change of social sciences to a new development level. The scientific aspects of this development center around three objectives: (1) Integrating social sciences. (2) Moving from the description of social bodies to dynamic problems of changing group life. (3) Developing new instruments and techniques of· social research. Theoretical progress has hardly kept pace with the development of techniques. It is, however, as true for the social as for the physical and biological sciences that without adequate conceptual development, science cannot proceed beyond a certain stage. It is an important step forward that the hostility to theorizing which dominated a number of social sciences ten years ago has all but vanished. It has been replaced by a relatively wide-spread recognition of the necessity for developing better concepts and higher levels of theory. The theoretical development will have to proceed rather rapidly if social science is to reach that level of practical usefulness which society needs for winning the race against the destructive capacities set free by man's use of the llatural sciences. I should like to survey certain concepts and theories which have emerged mainly from experimental research. They concern: (a) Quasi-stationary social equilibria and social changes. (b) Locomotion through social channels. (c) Social feedback processes and social management. The last two of these will be dealt with in a later article. A cursory introductory discussion of certain aspects of the present state of affairs in social science is included here for those readers who are interested in the general background of these concepts and in the problems from which they have sprung.
Ephesus and its coinage
(1881)
Agglutinated foraminiferal assemblages from the Oligocene section of an exploration well drilled in the distal part of the Congo Fan are fully documented and interpreted for palaeoenvironment. A total of 65 ditch cutting samples were analysed at 10 m intervals, from 3630 to 4270 m below rotary table. An average of 170 specimens were extracted per sample, with over 100 species being documented and described using SEM and light photography. The results reveal the most taxonomically diverse deepsea Oligocene fauna yet described. Six assemblages have been defined and analysed with Correspondence and 'Morphogroup' Analysis. These are 1. Nothia robusta / Reticulophragmium Assemblage (4110-4270 m), 2. Nothia robusta / Scherochorella congoensis / Discammilloides sp. 1 Assemblage (4000-4100 m), 3. High diversity Reticulophragmium Assemblage (3870-3990 m), 4. Portatrochammina profunda Assemblage (3790-3860 m), 5. Nothia latissima Assemblage (3730-3780 m) and 6. Low abundance Assemblage (3630-3720 m). Palaeobathymetric estimates range from middle -lower bathyal based on comparison with living taxa and morphogroup distributions. These results extend the known stratigraphic range (last occurrences) of Reticulophragmium amp/eetens into the Oligocene in the Atlantic, and possibly also Paratrochamminoides gorayskii, Paratrochamminoides olszewskii, Trochamminoides aff. proteus, Trochamminoides subcoronatus, Haplophragmoides horridus and Haplophragmoides walteri, although reworking is documented with these species. Results also extend the known first occurrences of Recurvoides azuaensis, Spiropsammina primula, Cyclammina aff. orbicularis, Discamminoides sp. and Glaphyrammina americana into the Oligocene. Large scale variations within faunas are largely assigned to documente d variations in sand content, where higher proportions of sand generally coincide with reduced diversity and abundance along with a dominance of opportunistic species such as Nothia robusta, Nothia latissima and Ammodiscus latus. A major excursion in the infaunal morpho group, suspension-feeding morpho group and diversity and abundance within Assemblage 2 is termed the 'Scherochorella Event', and does not correlate with an increase in sand. This fauna is thought to be the result of lower oxygen conditions allowing the dominance of the low oxygen morphotype Scherochorella congoensis and the opportunistic species Nothia robusta. Deep-water circulation in the Atlantic at this time is generally thought to have been strong, and this event suggests that there may have been a temporary expansion of the oxygen minimum zone during the Late Oligocene, coinciding with increased benthic 8180 values, global cooling, and increased upwelling associated with a stronger polar front. The otherwise high diversity of the fauna in the well supports the interpretation of well-oxygenated conditions.
The Semitic nations
(1874)
Several types of symbolic weapons are portrayed in the hands of divinities on the most diverse artistic works of the third millennium, such as maces or sceptres, daggers, spears. hows and arrows. There is also a weapon which has a form similar to a sickle. Data referring to it may be found - in addition to the representations - in written sources. We learn from the Cy1. «A» of Gudea that the king, the en-priest of Ningirsu, was the first to reach the cedar mountains and fell the cedars with his big axe. He then made the SAR.UR, the «Floodstorm Weapon» of his god, the right hand of Lagas. The inscription of statue «B» tells us the Same. When Gudea built the temple of Ningirsu, the god aided him in reaching the cedar mountains from which he took gigantic logs to make a weapon for his god: the SAR.UR, having the power ofa flood storm and the SAR.GAZ, a mace with seven copper knobs.
This study is part of a larger work whose aim is to examine the historical significance of the tens of thousands of Islamic silver coins or dirhams which appeared in Eastern Europe during the pre-Mongol era. The first part of this work explored the questions of when and how dirhams first reached European Russia. Very briefly, this initial study led to the following conclusions: 1. Dirhams first reached Eastern Europe about 800 A.D., as R. Fasmer (Vasmer) argued a half-century ago. 2. The earliest dirham hoards from Eastern Europe are almost identical in composition with contemporaneous Near Eastern hoards (both contain a predominance of 'Abbasid coins struck after 769 in Iraq and North Africa). This suggests that the earliest Eastern-European hoards were composed from the Near-Eastern coin stock of the time. 3. The earliest dirham hoards from Eastern Europe are completely different in composition from the contemporaneous hoards found in Transoxiana indicating that the earliest dirhams to reach Eastern Europe did not come via Central Asia. 4. An analysis of the early Caucasian dirham hoards revealed that the composition of some of these hoards differs from that of Eastern-European and Near-Eastern hoards in that the Caucasian hoards contain a higher percentage of dirhams from South-Caucasian mints and a lesser percentage of coins from North-African mints. This suggests that these hoards were composed of dirhams imported from the Near East which had circulated in the Southern Caucasus for some time before being deposited. 5. Other early dirham hoards from the Caucasus, however, are very similar in composition to contemporaneous Near-Eastern and Eastern-European dirham hoards. This suggests that these hoards were composed of coins which were apparently being transported to Eastern Europe from the Near East and were buried accidentally while in route through the Caucasus. In short, the first segment of this research concluded that dirhams began to reach Eastern Europe around the year 800 and that they were imported by the Caucasus or Caspian route from the Near East. The purpose of this study is to investigate the historical circumstances which would explain why dirhams were first brought by the Caucasus or Caspian route to Eastern Europe in the early ninth century. It is pertinent to note that, to the best of my knowledge"no one has yet addressed this fundamental question in any depth. Consequently, in discussing this issue, it is not our intention to claim that the thesis which will be put forward is irrefutable or that no other thesis could explain the available data. Rather, the objective is to raise the question of why dirhams first reached Eastern Europe around 800 A.D. by the Caucasus-Caspian route and to suggest a possible solution. This study should thus be considered as the presentation of a working hypothesis which will hopefully inspire others to examine a basic question of medieval Eurasian history which has been too long ignored.
A brief presentation of iron chemistry is made with emphasis on those aspects relevant to siderophore biochemistry. Siderophore structure and biosynthesis is described. The underlying chemistry associated with, 1, the movement of iron(ill) complexes across membranes and 2, the removal of iron from such complexes is discussed in detail. The ability of siderophores to interact with other metals is considered. Finally, the role of siderophores in infection and their clinical potential as iron scavenging molecules are reviewed.