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In der Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes ergreift Friedrich Hölderlin Partei für die Moderne. Daraus ergibt sich eine Absage an die Tragödie als höchste Kunstform und ein Bekenntnis zur Lyrik. Hölderlin gelangt jedoch zu einem ganz anderen Lyrikkonzept als etwa Hegel, der Lyrik als Artikulation von Subjektivität begreift. Für Hölderlin ist die Lyrik kein Medium subjektiver Selbstvergewisserung, sondern die vorzügliche Gattung des Erinnerns, des geduldigen Ausharrens ‘in dürftiger Zeit’ sowie des Schreibens gegen die gefährliche ‘exzentrische Begeisterung’. Vom Schreiben erhofft er sich eine Revolution der ‘Vorstellungsarten’. Hölderlin möchte der Moderne unabhängig von der ausgedienten Sprache der Tradition ein autonomes ästhetisches Profil verleihen, und so wird die Sprache der modernen Dichtung bei ihm unvermeidlich zur Sprache der obscuritas, der Dunkelheit. Hölderlins Ringen um eine genuin moderne Diktion verfremdet die überlieferte Sprache und führt zu einer Entfremdung von ihr, was wiederum Befremden auf Seiten der Rezipienten bewirkt. Hier soll zum einen der Wechsel von der Tragödie zur Lyrik als gattungspoetischem Paradigma der Moderne seit dem späten 18. Jahrhundert rekonstruiert werden. Zum anderen wird Hölderlins Verflechtung von Subjekt- und lyrischer Sprachkritik studiert, um die Spur sichtbar zu machen, die sie bis zu Adorno auslegt.
Viele der rezenten Studien zur Ästhetik des Monströsen nehmen auf Michel Foucaults Vorlesungsreihe Les anormaux Bezug, in der er u. a. der diskursiven Transformation des Monsters von einem somatischen hin zu einem moralischen Abweichungsphänomen nachgeht. Dass Foucaults Ausführungen mitunter nur unzureichend differenziert sind, soll der vorliegende Beitrag nachweisen. Auch wenn die Literatur in Les anormaux eine untergeordnete Rolle spielt, eher als peripheres Beleg- oder Anschauungsmaterial dient denn als Gegenstand einer eigenen Untersuchung, ist gerade sie es, die Foucaults genealogische Analyse der notwendigen Komplexitätssteigerung zuführen und ihre Leerstellen ausfüllen kann. Zu diesem Zweck werden exemplarisch Ovids Lykaon-Mythos aus dem ersten Buch der Metamorphosen sowie Mary Shelleys Roman Frankenstein, or, The Modern Prometheus herangezogen. Neben der gebotenen Korrektur von Les anormaux vermögen beide Texte Foucaults Befund von der diskursiven Produktivität des Monströsen zu bestätigen und anzureichern: Sowohl Ovid als auch Shelley dokumentieren eine Wertschätzung und Wertschöpfung des Monströsen und stehen damit quer zu konventionellen Narrativen, die das Monster als etwas rein Destruktives und Dämonisches oder als das radikal Andere des Menschen in Szene setzen, ohne auf die kulturellen Profite und anthropologischen Einsichten zu reflektieren, die sich aus jenem gewinnen lassen.
In German, the subject usually precedes the object (SO order), but, under certain discourse conditions, the object is allowed to precede the subject (OS order). This paper focuses on main clauses in which either the subject or a discourse-given object occurs in clause-initial position. Two acceptability experiments show that OS sentences with a given object are generally acceptable, but the precise degree of acceptability varies both with the object‘s referential form (demonstrative objects leading to higher acceptability than other types of objects) and with formal properties of the subject (pronominal subjects leading to higher acceptability than non-pronominal subjects). For SO sentences, acceptability was reduced when the object was a d-pronoun, which contrasts with the high acceptability of OS sentences with a d-pronoun object. This finding was explored in a third acceptability experiment comparing d-pronouns in subject and object function. This experiment provides evidence that a reduction in acceptability due to a prescriptive bias against d-pronouns is suspended when the d-pronoun occurs as object in the prefield. We discuss the experimental results with respect to theories of German clause structure that claim that OS sentences with different information-structural properties are derived by different types of movement.
Recent proposals suggest that timing in acquisition, i.e., the age at which a phenomenon is mastered by monolingual children, influences acquisition of the L2, interacting with age of onset of bilingualism and amount of L2 input. Here, we examine whether timing affects acquisition of the bilingual child’s heritage language, possibly modulating the effects of environmental and child-internal factors. The performance of 6- to 12-year-old Greek heritage children residing in Germany (age of onset of German: 0–4 years) was assessed across a range of nine syntactic structures via the Greek LITMUS (Language Impairment Testing in Multilingual Settings) Sentence Repetition Task. Based on previous studies on monolingual Greek, the structures were classified as “early” (main clauses (SVO), coordination, clitics, complement clauses, sentential negation, non-referential wh-questions) or as “late” (referential wh-questions, relatives, adverbial clauses). Current family use of Greek and formal instruction in Greek (environmental), chronological age, and age of onset of German (child-internal) were assessed via the Questionnaire for Parents of Bilingual Children (PABIQ); short-term memory (child-internal) was measured via forward digit recall. Children’s scores were generally higher for early than for late acquired structures. Performance on the three early structures with the highest scores was predicted by the amount of current family use of Greek. Performance on the three late structures was additionally predicted by forward digit recall, indicating that higher short-term memory capacity is beneficial for correctly reconstructing structurally complex sentences. We suggest that the understanding of heritage language development and the role of child-internal and environmental factors will benefit from a consideration of timing in the acquisition of the different structures.
This paper intends to provide some speculative remarks on how consistency and continuity in language use practices within and across contexts inform heritage language acquisition outcomes. We intend “consistency” as maintenance of similar patterns of home language use over the years. “Continuity” refers to the possibility for heritage language speakers to be exposed to formal education in the heritage language. By means of a questionnaire study, we analyze to what extent Italian heritage families in Germany are consistent in their use of the heritage language with their children. Furthermore, by analyzing the educational offer related to Italian as a heritage language across different areas in Germany, we reflect on children’s opportunities to experience continuity between home and school language practices. Finally, we interpret the results of previous studies on Italian heritage language acquisition through the lens of consistency and continuity of language experience. In particular, we show that under the appropriate language experience conditions (involving consistency and continuity), heritage speakers may be successful even in the acquisition of linguistic phenomena that have been shown to be acquired late in first language acquisition.
The present paper aims at providing empirical evidence for dialectal variation concerning the perception of the central vowel [ɐ] in European Portuguese (EP). More concretely, this study compares the perception of the contrast between [a] and [ɐ] by native speakers of two varieties of EP: 23 speakers of a northern Portuguese dialect (from the city of Braga) and 23 speakers of the Littoral Center variety of EP (from the city of Lisbon, defined as Standard European Portuguese (SEP)). Based on a discrimination test, the results show that the two groups of speakers differ with respect to the perception of the contrast between the two central vowels under investigation. The speakers of the northern variety differentiate less between the two central vowels compared to the speakers from Lisbon.