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So-called gender-neutral nouns like Freund*innen, Redakteur_in or AutorInnen are suspected to not fit into the linguistic system. This paper argues that if these forms are pronounced with a glottal stop (e.g. Freund[ʔ]innen), only small changes in the grammar are needed to integrate them. It is shown that the suffix [ʔ ɪn] in these derivatives can be analysed as a phonological word and therefore could be a new suffix that is added to the grammar. The phonological structure of its derivatives is shown to be just like the phonological structure of many native German derived nouns as many suffixes form a phonological word of their own. Also, the insertion of [ʔ] in these derived wordforms can be explained by the status of the suffix as a phonological word. Hence, it is argued that speakers do not ignore the regularities of the grammar when they use gender-neutral nouns with [ʔ ɪn], but rather work with these rules to create new words with new meanings.
U radu se opisuju posebnosti samoglasničkih, suglasničkih i naglasnih jezičnih značajka govora Medveje te se ističu neke jezične različitosti u odnosu na govor Kastva. Oba govora pripadaju sjeveroistočnomu istarskom poddijalektu ekavskoga dijalekta čakavskoga narječja. Rad se temelji na vlastitim terenskim istraživanjima Kastva i Medveje iz 2005. godine, na opsežnim fonološkim terenskim istraživanjima koje je prije petnaestak godina proveo dr. sc. Mijo Lončarić te na dijelu zapisa objavljenih u recentnoj dijalektološkoj literaturi.
This paper offers an extensive analysis of the reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European word-initial cluster *sk- in Proto-Slavic. It is argued that the regular reflex of this cluster is the Proto-Slavic *x-, but that *sk- was analogously re-introduced in a great number of cases under the influence of prefixed forms and cases where forms with and without the so-called "s-mobile" co-existed in Slavic. This conclusion is in accordance with the fact that *x- < *sk- is far more common in derivationally isolated words that do not occur with prefixes.
Podravski kajkavski dijalekt
(2011)
This paper presents doublets in the phonology and accentuation of a Kajkavian dialect in central Croatia, where all three major Croatian groups of dialects meet. Inconsistencies in the vowel and consonant systems are also noted. The second part considers the accentual system, its units and their distribution. Many fluctuations were noted, even with respect to retractions and special Kajkavian features. These are explained through influences of neihbouring local dialects and from the urban dialect of Karlovac and Standard Croatian.
Im folgenden Artikel wird der Versuch unternommen, die Hauptmerkmale der phonetischen Forschung in der slowakischen Germanistik (teils aus kontrastiver Sicht) in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten zu dokumentieren.
Aus verständlichen Gründen verzichten wir dabei auf Vollständigkeit: Die Ergebnisse der phonetischen Arbeiten sind in bibliographischen Abteilungen der Bibliotheken bzw. im Internet zusammengetragen. In unserer Analyse berücksichtigen wir nur diejenigen AutorInnen, die wir aus anderen slowakischen Universitäten kennen und mit denen wir im regelmäßigen Kontakt sind. Es handelt sich um folgende PhonetikerInnen: Viera Chebenová (UKF Nitra), Zuzana Bohušová (UMB Banská Bystrica), Viera Lagerová (Trnavská univerzita) und Anna Džambová (Prešovská univerzita). Es wird sich in der Zukunft sicher die Möglichkeit ergeben, die aktuelle Situation gründlich zu recherchieren (z. B. im Rahmen eines Projektes), die Liste der AutorInnen und ihrer Werke zu vervollständigen, zu analysieren und zu diskutieren. Deren niedrige Zahl beruht auf der Tatsache, dass die deutsche Phonetik nicht zu den bevorzugten Gebieten der germanistischen Linguistik in der Slowakei gehört (auf dieses Problem wiesen wir in unseren Beiträgen der letzten Jahre mehrmals hin). In der Slowakei gibt es zahlreiche GermanistInnen, die sich eher für Gebiete wie Lexikographie, Lexikologie, Phraseologie, Grammatik, Didaktik, Translatologie, Pragmatik interessieren.
Contemporary German abounds in doubtful cases where linking elements alternate with zero elements, such as Seminar(+s?+)arbeit 'term paper', Respekt(+s?+)person 'person who commands respect'. This variation indicates a profound language change in the course of which the linking +s+ has spread continuously since Early New High German and is replacing the zero element more and more often. Today, +s+ is the most productive, progressive and most frequently occurring linking element. In this paper, we provide an explanation for the doubtful cases. Most often, the linking +s+ depends directly on the phonological quality of the first part of the compound: the worse its phonological structure, the more likely the occurrence of the linking +s+. It occurs most regularly after first parts of compounds containing a suffix or an unstressed prefix (Verkáuf+s+gespräch 'sales conversation'), while words with an ideal phonological structure (monosyllabic or trochaic words) rarely attract the linking +s+. The variation concentrates on compounds whose first parts feature a stressed prefix (Éinkauf(+s?+)führer 'shopping guide'). There is, however, a further factor which leads to fluctuation in the occurrence of the linking +s+. In cases where the second part of synthetic compounds such as Auftrag(+s?+)geber 'client' contain a high degree of verbality, the linking +s+ blurs the syntactic relation between the immediate constituents, strengthening the morphological character of the compound.
Zu dem Strauß der Bindestrichlinguistiken gesellt sich derzeit ein weiteres, besonders interessantes und vielversprechendes Exemplar, die sog. Zweifelsfall-Linguistik. Ihre Entstehung kann man mit dem "Linguistik online"-Heft "Sprachliche Zweifelsfälle. Theorie und Empirie" [...] auf das Jahr 2003 datieren. [...]
Aus historisch-linguistischer Perspektive handelt es sich sehr häufig um Fälle sich gegenwärtig vollziehenden Sprachwandels, d.h. was heute an seismischen Bewegungen registriert wird, hat seinen Herd, um in diesem Bild zu bleiben, oft im Frühneuhochdeutschen oder noch früher. [...] Gerade für die zukünftigen LehrerInnen ist es wichtig, von der richtig/falsch-Zentriertheit von Zweifelsfällen wegzukommen und stattdessen der Ratio dieses Phänomens näherzukommen (um dann bessere Anleitungen geben zu können). In Veranstaltungen zu Zweifelsfällen erlangt man übrigens eine beträchtliche diachrone Tiefe, d.h. die Bereitschaft, sich in das Problem, seine Genese und seine Hintergründe einzuarbeiten, ist erfreulich hoch. Interessant (und noch nicht erforscht) ist dabei die unterschiedliche Salienz grammatischer Zweifelsfälle: Während die Fugensetzung sofort als Zweifelsfall erkannt und bestätigt wird, ist es bei der schwankenden Flexion zweier koordinierter Adjektive im Dativ ohne Determinans ("unter großem finanziellem?/finanziellen? Aufwand") anders. Auch wenn die Korpora die Schwankung zwischen Parallel- und Wechselflexion zweifelsfrei als Zweifelsfall ausweisen (ca. zwei Drittel Wechselflexion, ca. ein Drittel Parallelflexion), so erreicht diese Flexionsunsicherheit keinen hohen Bewusstheitsgrad. Die höchste Salienz erreichen übrigens orthographische Zweifelsfälle [...], danach Wortbildungsprobleme wie die (Un-)Trennbarkeit von Präfixen vom Typ "gedownloadet/downgeloadet".
Zum Informationsangebot deutscher Aussprachewörterbücher für tschechische Germanistikstudierende
(2013)
Aussprachewörterbücher stellen für nichtmuttersprachliche Germanistikstudierende nach wie vor eine der wichtigsten Informationsquellen über die gesprochene Form der deutschen Gegenwartssprache dar. Beim Vergleich der gängigen Aussprachewörterbücher des Deutschen kann man jedoch gravierende Unterschiede feststellen, die einen Nichtmuttersprachler leicht zu desorientieren (wenn nicht gerade zu verwirren) vermögen. Im Beitrag werden die zwei gebräuchlichsten Aussprachewörterbücher der deutschen Sprache (DUDEN Das Aussprachewörterbuch und De Gruyter Deutsches Aussprachewörterbuch) im Hinblick auf das darin enthaltene Informationsangebot für tschechische Germanistikstudierende verglichen. In den Vordergrund tritt somit die Darstellung der für tschechische Deutschstudierende problematischen phonetischen Erscheinungen. Des Weiteren wird folgenden Aspekten Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt: konzeptionelle Ausgangspunkte, Umfang und Stichwörterauswahl, theoretische Beschreibung des phonetisch-phonologischen Systems des Deutschen sowie der deutschen Standardlautung, Aktualitätsbezug, Beschreibung von regionalen Varietäten, Berücksichtigung der Phonostilistik usw.
This exercise explores the historical relationship between tone, aspiration, prefixes and stem initial consonants in Tibetan. (The stem-initial consonant is underlined in those words that have prefixes or initial clusters; [ts], [tsh], [tç], [tçh], etc., all count as single consonants.) Other phonetic developments are also explored.
Tento článek se zabývá následující otázkou: Jsou [Ə] a [ɐ] německé fonémy nebo ne? Hlavní myšlenka se zabývá rozmezím testu minimálních párů jako metody k určení fonematického system jazyka. Tento test je úspěšný do té doby, pokud nejsou dané prvky přesně předvídatelné. Ty jsou předpověditelné, pokud existují fonologická pravidla, která vysvětlují výskyt fónu. Zde se argumentuje, ţe /Ə/ je německý foném, ale [ɐ] není.
Demonstrationen von Gefühlsexpressionen : Exemplarische Untersuchungen an authentischen Gesprächen
(2010)
V ĉlánku jsou analyzovány tři příklady slovně vyjádřených citŧ. A) Případ spoleĉného rozhořĉení přispívající ke stabilizaci identity skupiny se stoupajícím a zase klesajícím prŧběhem; B) Vyprávění, ve kterém se bývalé rozĉilení vypravěĉky odráţí v mruĉení (mh, mh); C) Líĉení hrozivé přírodní události. Cílem je popsat spoleĉné pŧsobení gramatických, lexikálních a zvláště prozodických znakŧ promluvy.
V lingvistickém výzkumu byla malá pozornost věnována onomatopoickým výrazŧm ĉasto uţívaným zvláště v komiksech a v dětské literatuře jako nástroj k vyjádření emocí. Ĉlánek, jehoţ cílem je vyplnit mezeru ve výzkumu, nejprve podává přehled o vztazích mezi onomatopoi a emocemi. Autor zdŧrazňuje, ţe konkrétní realizace onomatopoických slov je v kaţdém jazyce jiná a závisí na jazykových konvencích. Následně jsou srovnána německá a ĉeská onomatopoická slovesa s emoĉními konotacemi. Srovnání ukazuje širokou škálu rozdílŧ, které se týkají nejen formálních aspektŧ, ale také významu těchto sloves. Závěrem vyplývá, ţe emoce jsou vázány na jazykový kontext, a proto nemohou být přesně přeloţeny.
Cìlem tohoto článku je ukázat, ņe je nutné při jazykovém rozboru středověkého německého textu, chceme-li se alespoņ přiblìņit jeho zvukové podobě, vņdy vycházet přìmo z rukopisu. Normalizovaná edice totiņ často stìrá fonetické zvláńtnosti a namnoze tìm dokonce ztěņuje i porozuměnì. Z analýzy nańeho textu např. jasně výplývajì rozdìy ve fonetické realizaci dvojhlásek ai/ay a ei/ey vzniklých kontrakcì -age- a -ege-, které K. Bartsch ve své edici přepisuje jako ei, a tìm zvyńuje počet homografických slov. Naproti tomu rozlińovánì s (germánské s) a z(z) (germánské t) a restaurace počátečnìho s ve skupině sw- nemá v jazyce rukopisu ņádnou oporu a archaizuje tak neņádoucìm způsobem jazykovou podobu celého textu.
Článek pojednává o zlomku lékařského receptu z 15. stoletì, který je v současné době uchováván pod signaturou I E a 16 v Oddělenì rukopisů a starých tisků Knihovny Národnìho muzea v Praze, a zabývá se dìlčìmi aspekty textové analýzy v oblasti grafematiky, fonetiky, morfologie, syntaxe a slovnì zásoby.
Die Beschreibungen der phonologischen und phonetischen Gebrauchsmerkmale erschöpfen sich aus der Sicht der informellen Kommunikation bekanntlich vorwiegend in den sprecherbezogenen phonologischen Prozessen, die dominant mit einer durch natürliches Sprechtempo bedingten ausspracheerleichternden Funktion einhergehen. Auch verfügt die moderne Interaktionslinguistik über Kenntnisse einiger linguistischer Funktionen von Intonation. Dennoch wissen wir immer noch sehr wenig über die soziale (d. h. auch strategische) Funktionalität der artikulatorischen und prosodischen (also der segmentalen und suprasegmentalen) Merkmale im Gesprächsverhalten. Dieser Beitrag setzt sich zum Ziel, die kontextsensitiven konversationsphonologischen Sprachmerkmale und ihre soziale Funktionsweise im Alltagsgespräch zu skizzieren. Die Problematik der Herangehensweise an die Erfassung der sozialen Bedeutung von konversationeller Phonetik, Phonologie und Prosodie wird anhand von drei exemplarischen Analysen der Kontextualisierung der sozialen Distanz in den Gesprächen bei verschiedenen informellen Gruppen Jugendlicher beleuchtet.
Ausgehend von den Zielen des Ausspracheunterrichts wird dargestellt, dass das Verstehen und Verstandenwerden in der Fremdsprache Deutsch gut entwickelte Aussprachefertigkeiten voraussetzt. Analysen an Deutschlernenden haben gezeigt, wo die Hauptschwierigkeiten liegen, diese werden im Beitrag aufgelistet. Um den oft schwierigen Lernprozess zu unterstützen und Lernende zu motivieren und zu sensibilisieren, können im Unterricht spielerische Übungen zu verschiedenen phonetischen Themen eingesetzt werden. Im Beitrag werden die Besonderheiten spielerisch angelegter, d.h. mit Spielelementen versehener Übungen erläutert und Beispiele für solche Übungen gegeben.
This paper emphasizes the importance of intonational studies, focusing on the final intonational contour in interrogative sentences in German and Brazilian Portuguese. Following considerations about intonation in general we present some observations about effects of intonation in such sentences at both syntactic and pragmatic levels.
Corno quase nenhuma outra disciplina lingüística, a fonologia passou por uma evolução turbulenta nas duas últimas décadas. Ao contrário da abordagem cöássica da Gramática Gerativa, que se concentrou na descrição de cadeias de segmentos fonológicos e de suas transformações em virtude de regras fonológicas, a Fonologia Não-linear colocou as relações prosódicas em enunciados em primeiro plano. A sílaba foi redescoberta como unidade prosódica; muitos trabalhos foram dedicados à análise de estruturas silábicas e de relações de sonoridade. Acima da sílaba, o pé a palavra fonológica foram utilizados como unidades prosódicas relevantes para a descrição das estruturas de acento e entonação. Abaixo da sílaba, reabilitou-se a mora já conhecida a partir da Filologia Clássica. No presente artigo, descrevem-se, a partir de exemplos do alemão e de outras línguas, as duas abordagens principais da Fonologia Não-linear, a Fonologia Autosegmental e a Fonologia Métrica. Procura-se mostrar que, com esses modelos, alguns fenômenos prosódico-fonológicos que antes só podiam ser descritos com grandes dificuldades ou eram até mesmo indescritíveis podem ser analisados de maneira adequada e elegante.
What governs phonology
(2000)
O ensino/aprendizagem da metafonia do português como língua estrangeira por aprendizes alemães
(2009)
The present article deals with a phenomenon of the portuguese language which is well-known and yet rather neglected in brazilian schools as well as in schools abroad: metaphony. Since this regular vowel change is a phenomenon that foms part exclusively of speech and is not represented in writing, it constitutes a problem for foreign learners, in our case speakers of German. We therefore propose a strategy by the help of which the phenomenon of metaphony in Portuguese can be explained, based on analogies with a similar regular sound change in the German language, called Umlaut. Our study is based upon data collected among students at Christian-Albrechts-Universität in Northern Germany.
Many teachers of German as a second language make some statements regarding this language that mix concepts from three distinct fields: Orthography (letters), Phonetics (phones or speech sounds) and Phonology (phonemes). In this paper I attempt to shed some light on these concepts and fields. I also provide examples of such statements and make comments on them.
U članku se opisuje morfonologija glagolske osnove u prezentskoj paradigmi na građi hrvatsko-crkvenoslavenskih (dalje: HCS) glagola s temeljnom osnovom na -i- u kojih tom završnom -i- prethodi zubni sonant: r, l, n (tj. tipa tvori-ti, moli-ti, brani-ti). U obzir su uzeti svi glagolski leksemi tog tipa iz kartoteke Rječnika crkvenoslavenskoga jezika hrvatske redakcije: 110 li-glagola, 127 ni-glagola i 83 ri-glagola i njihovi prezentski oblici. Metoda opisa je usporedba dotičnog fragmenta HCS gramatike sa staroslavenskim stanjem kao i sa stanjem u starohrvatskim (čakavskim) govorima. U staroslavenskom jeziku u prezentskoj je paradigmi tihglagola osnova okrnjena (tj. okrnjen je sufiks -i-) i pojavljuje se u dvije varijante: palatalnoj (u 1. licu jednine), i tvrdoj (u svim ostalim oblicima). Tako u prezentu nalazimo u osnovi alternacije r ~ ŕ, l ~ ĺ i n ~ ń. U HCS tekstovima morfonološki su najinovativniji ri-glagoli. Kako je u hrvatskom depalataliziran fonem ŕ, kod ri-glagola nije sačuvan staroslavenski morfonološki model. HCS građa ne pokazuje staroslavensku alternaciju r ~ ŕ, tj. kod ri-glagola nema variranja osnove u prezentu (okrnjena osnova u svim oblicima završava nepalatalnim suglasnikom). Kod li-glagola i ni-glagola staroslavenski je morfonološki model očuvan. Međutim, u tekstovima su ipak potvrđene rijetke devijacije od tog modela. Naime, usprkos postojanju grafijskoga sredstva za označavanje palatalnosti fonema ĺ i ń ispred gramatičkog morfema 1. lica jednine -u (tj. uporaba slova ű iza l, n), neki su pisari u rijetkim slučajevima izostavljali označavanje palatalnosti, tj. pisali grafem u (molu, branu). Autorica predlaže različita moguća objašnjenja te pogreške i utvrđuje u kojoj je mjeri ta pojava ograničena na određene HCS tekstove.
Nakon kratkoga prikaza geografskoga položaja zagorskoga mjesta Šemnice Gornje u radu se na osnovi vlastitoga terenskog istraživanja i dostupne literature iznose fonološka obilježja govora toga mjesta. Opisuje se naglasni sustav i unutar toga razlike koje se mogu uočiti u odnosu na osnovnu kajkavsku akcentuaciju, te obilježja samoglasničkoga i suglasničkoga sustava.
Ključne riječi: Šemnica Gornja ; govor ; naglasni sustav; samoglasnički i suglasnički sustav
All's well that ends well
(2009)
A few years ago, Jasanoff adopted the central tenet of my accentological theory, viz. that the Balto-Slavic acute was a stød or glottal stop, not a rising tone (cf. Kortlandt 1975, 1977, 2004, Jasanoff 2004a). Of course, nobody will believe Jasanoff’s claim that he arrived at the same result independently thirty years after I published it and ten years after we discussed it when he came to Leiden to visit us. Though at the time he haughtily dismissed “the tangle of secondary hypotheses and “laws” that clutter the ground in the field of Balto-Slavic accentology” (Jasanoff 2004b: 171), he has now recognized the importance of Pedersen’s law, Hirt’s law, Winter’s law, Meillet’s law, Dolobko’s law, Dybo’s law and Stang’s law and largely accepted my relative chronology of these accent laws, including the loss of the acute shortly before Stang’s law (cf. Jasanoff 2008). He has also accepted my split of Pedersen’s law into a Balto-Slavic and a Slavic phase (to which a Lithuanian phase must be added), my thesis that the tonal contours of Baltic and Slavic languages are post-Balto-Slavic innovations (cf. Jasanoff 2008: 344, fn. 10), and the rise of a tonal distinction on non-acute initial syllables before Dybo’s law which I discussed at some length in my review (1978) of Garde’s monograph (1976). This is great progress.
Like its predecessor in Zagreb, the conference on Balto-Slavic accentology in Copenhagen was a great success. The enthusiasm of the organizers Adam Hyllested and Thomas Olander proved highly effective in stimulating discussion among the participants. While in Zagreb most papers dealt with Slavic data, in Copenhagen the emphasis was on Balto-Slavic problems.
Hittite ammuk 'me'
(2005)
In the Indo-European department of Leiden University, Alwin Kloekhorst has initiated a discussion on Hittite ammuk ‘me’. The central question is: where did the geminate come from? This has led me to reconsider the origin of the Indo-European personal pronouns against the background of my reconstruction of Indo-Uralic (2002: 221-225). For the historical data I may refer to Schmidt (1978).
Koivulehto and Vennemann have recently (1996) revived Posti’s theory (1953) which attributed Finnic consonant gradation to Germanic influence, in particular to the influence of Verner’s law. This theory disregards the major differences between Finnic and Saami gradation (cf. Sammallahti 1998: 3) and ignores the similar gradation in Nganasan and Selkup (cf. Kallio 2000: 92).
Most scholars nowadays reconstruct a static root present with an alternation between lengthened grade in the active singular and full grade in the active plural and in the middle. I am unhappy about this traditional methodology of loosely postulating long vowels for the proto-language. What we need is a powerful theory which explains why clear instances of original lengthened grade are so very few and restrains our reconstructions accordingly. Such a theory has been available for over a hundred years now: it was put forward by Wackernagel in his Old Indic grammar (1896: 66-68). The crucial element of his theory which is relevant in the present context is that he assumed lengthening in monosyllabic word forms, such as the 2nd and 3rd sg. active forms of the sigmatic aorist injunctive.
S.R. Ramsey writes (1979: 162): "The patterning of tone marks in Old Kyoto texts divides the vocabulary into virtually the same classes as those arrived at by comparing the accent distinctions found in the modern dialects. This means that the Old Kyoto dialect had a pitch system similar to that of proto-Japanese. The standard language of the Heian period may not actually be the ancestor of all the dialects of Japan, but at least as far as the accent system is concerned, it is close enough to the proto system to be used as a working model. The significance of this fact is important: It means that each of the dialects included in the comparison has as much to tell, at least potentially, as any other dialect about Old Kyoto accent."
A correct interpretation of the genitive plural forms in Slavic and related languages requires a detailed chronological analysis of the material. At every stage of development we have to reckon with both phonetically regular and analogical forms. Analogy operates quite often along the same lines in different periods. Explaining an analogic change amounts to indicating a model, a motivation, and a stage of development for its effectuation. If one of these cannot be indicated, we must look for a phonetic explanation.
Die sprachlichen Beispiele [...] sind dem Korpus „Institutionelle Konfliktgespräche“ des Instituts für deutsche Sprache in Mannheim entnommen. Es sind vorgerichtliche Schlichtungen in Nachbarschaftsstreitigkeiten aus dem kurpfälzischen Raum. Die Gespräche liegen dort in einer Transkription vor, die nicht nur deshalb unzureichend ist, weil Nonstandardmuster weitgehend in Standard wiedergegeben werden. Wir haben zwei der Gespräche völlig neu transkribiert. Beide Gespräche werden von demselben Schlichter geführt. Sie sind je etwa 45 Minuten lang, im ersten Gespräch, gekennzeichnet als „Die Mopeds“, verwendet der Schlichter nach IPA-Transkription ca. 12.000 Laute, im zweiten, gekennzeichnet als „Alte Sau“, ca. 14.000. Im folgenden werden die ersten 2.000 Laut aus den Äußerungen des Schlichters analysiert. Zum Vergleich haben wir einen in einer traditionellen Dialekterhebung aufgenommenen, überwiegend monologischen Text analysiert: einen ebenfalls 2000 Laute umfassenden Ausschnitt aus der Aufname einer jungen Mutterstadter Sprecherin aus den 50er Jahren, ediert von Karch. Die Frage der Standarddefinition, des Vergleichsmaßstabes und der Wahl der Einheiten soll hier nicht diskutiert werden: Wir gehen aus von Lauten, wie sie sich mit den Zeichen des IPA darstellen lassen. Als Kodifikation des Standards wurde, um einen vorläufig praktikablen Maßstab zu haben, das Duden-Aussprachewörterbuch zu Grunde gelegt. Dort für ein Morphem nicht verzeichnete Laute wurden Unberücksichtigt blieb die Unterscheidung zwischen stimmhaften und nicht stimmhaften Konsonanten. Stotternde, verzögernde, lachende [..] etc. wurden bisher weder ausgeblendet, noch zu Nonstandard gerechnet. Einer vorgängigen Skalierung und Gewichtung sprachlicher Merkmale bedarf es nicht. Es genügt eine erste Dichotomisierung und alle weiteren Differenzierungen können im Anschluss daran durchgespielt werden.
In this paper we provide an account of the historical development of Polish and Russian sibilants. The arguments provided here are of theoretical interest because they show that (i) certain allophonic rules are driven by the need to keep contrasts perceptually distinct, (ii) (unconditioned) sound changes result from needs of perceptual distinctiveness, and (iii) perceptual distinctiveness can be extended to a dass of consonants, i.e. the sibilants. The analysis is cast within Dispersion Theory by providing phonetic and typological data supporting the perceptual distinctiveness claims we make.
In this article I reanalyze sibilant inventories of Slavic languages by taking into consideration acoustic, perceptive and phonological evidence. The main goal of this study is to show that perception is an important factor which determines the shape of sibilant inventories. The improvement of perceptual contrast essentially contributes to creating new sibilant inventories by (i) changing the place of articulation of the existing phonemes (ii) merging sibilants that are perceptually very close or (iii) deleting them. It has also been shown that the symbol š traditionally used in Slavic linguistics corresponds to two sounds in the IPA systemsystem: it stands for a postalveolar sibilant (ʃ) in some Slavic languages, as e.g. Bulgarian, Czech, Slovak, some Serbian and Croatian dialects, whereas in others like Polish, Russian, Lower Sorbian it functions as a retroflex (s). This discrepancy is motivated by the fact that ʃ is not optimal in terms of maintaining sufficient perceptual contrast to other sibilants such as s and ç. If ʃ occurs together with s and sj there is a considerable perceptual distance between them but if it occurs with ç in an inventory, the distance is much smaller. Therefore, the strategy most languages follow is the change from a postalveolar to a retroflex sibilant.
In this paper it is argued that several typologically unrelated languages share the tendency to avoid voiced sibilant affricates. This tendency is explained by appealing to the phonetic properties of the sounds, and in particular to their aerodynamic characteristics. On the basis of experimental evidence it is shown that conflicting air pressure requirements for maintaining voicing and frication are responsible for the avoidance of voiced affricates. In particular, the air pressure released from the stop phase of the affricate is too high to maintain voicing which in consequence leads to a devoicing of the frication part.
This paper evaluates trills [r] and their palatalized counterparts [rj] from the point of view of markedness. It is argued that [r]s are unmarked sounds in comparison to [rj]s which follows from the examination of the following parameters: (a) frequency of occurrence, (b) articulatory and aerodynamic characteristics, (c) perceptual features, (d) emergence in the process of language acquisition, (e) stability from a diachronic point of view, (f) phonotactic distribution, and (g) implications. Several markedness aspects of [r]s and [rj] are analyzed on the basis of Slavic languages which offer excellent material for the evaluation of trills. Their phonetic characteristics incorporated into phonetically grounded constraints are employed for a phonological OT-analysis of r-palatalization in two selected languages: Polish and Czech.
The contribution of von Kempelen’s “Mechanism of Speech” to the ‘phonetic sciences‘ will be analyzed with respect to his theoretical reasoning on speech and speech production on the one hand and on the other in connection with his practical insights during his struggle in constructing a speaking machine. Whereas in his theoretical considerations von Kempelen’s view is focussed on the natural functioning of the speech organs – cf. his membraneous glottis model – in constructing his speaking machine he clearly orientates himself towards the auditory result – cf. the bag pipe model for the sound generator used for the speaking machine instead. Concerning vowel production his theoretical description remains questionable, but his practical insight that vowels and speech sounds in general are only perceived correctly in connection with their surrounding sounds – i.e. the discovery of coarticulation – is clearly a milestone in the development of the phonetic sciences: He therefore dispenses with the Kratzenstein tubes, although they might have been based on more thorough acoustic modelling. Finally, von Kempelen’s model of speech production will be discussed in relation to the discussion of the acoustic nature of vowels afterwards [Willis and Wheatstone as well as von Helmholtz and Hermann in the 19th century and Stumpf, Chiba & Kajiyama as well as Fant and Ungeheuer in the 20th century].
Articulatory token-to-token variability not only depends on linguistic aspects like the phoneme inventory of a given language but also on speaker specific morphological and motor constraints. As has been noted previously (Perkell (1997), Mooshammer et al. (2004)) , speakers with coronally high "domeshaped" palates exhibit more articulatory variability than speakers with coronally low "flat" palates. One explanation for that is based on perception oriented control by the speaker. The influence of articulatory variation on the cross sectional area and consequently on the acoustics should be greater for flat palates than for domeshaped ones. This should force speakers with flat palates to place their tongue very precisely whereas speakers with domeshaped palates might tolerate a greater variability. A second explanation could be a greater amount of lateral linguo-palatal contact for flat palates holding the tongue in position. In this study both hypotheses were tested.