Linguistik-Klassifikation
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Part of a Book (63)
- Article (62)
- Conference Proceeding (33)
- Working Paper (17)
- Preprint (3)
- Report (2)
- Part of Periodical (1)
Language
- English (181) (remove)
Has Fulltext
- yes (181)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (181)
Keywords
- Morphologie (25)
- Verb (21)
- Spracherwerb (17)
- Nominalisierung (13)
- Morphologie <Linguistik> (12)
- Morphosyntax (11)
- Aspekt (10)
- Deutsch (9)
- Syntax (9)
- Englisch (8)
- Russisch (8)
- Semantik (8)
- Flexion (7)
- Kindersprache (7)
- Aspekt <Linguistik> (6)
- Deklination (6)
- Phonologie (6)
- Thema-Rhema-Gliederung (6)
- Affix (5)
- Griechisch (5)
- Japanisch (5)
- Kompositum (5)
- Nomen (5)
- Sprachtypologie (5)
- Syntaktische Kongruenz (5)
- Verbalnomen (5)
- Wortbildung (5)
- Ableitung <Linguistik> (4)
- Bantusprachen (4)
- Intonation <Linguistik> (4)
- Konjugation (4)
- Kontrastive Linguistik (4)
- Morphem (4)
- Optimalitätstheorie (4)
- Sinotibetische Sprachen (4)
- Tempus (4)
- Französisch (3)
- Genitiv (3)
- Konversion <Linguistik> (3)
- Linguistik (3)
- Lokativ (3)
- Mittelenglisch (3)
- Morphonologie (3)
- Neugriechisch (3)
- Perfekt (3)
- Possessivität (3)
- Pronomen (3)
- Prosodie (3)
- Suffix (3)
- Tagalog (3)
- Tibetobirmanische Sprachen (3)
- Valenz <Linguistik> (3)
- Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft (3)
- Wortstellung (3)
- Allomorph (2)
- Argumentstruktur (2)
- Austronesische Sprachen (2)
- Baskisch (2)
- Denominativ (2)
- Deverbativ (2)
- Fremdsprachenlernen (2)
- Hypotaxe (2)
- Informationsstruktur (2)
- Interrogativsatz (2)
- Kanuri-Sprache (2)
- Kasus (2)
- Klitisierung (2)
- Konjunktiv (2)
- Kontamination <Wortbildung> (2)
- Kroatisch (2)
- Niederländisch (2)
- Niger-Kongo-Sprachen (2)
- Nominalkompositum (2)
- Parataxe (2)
- Partikelverb (2)
- Partizip (2)
- Phrasenkompositum (2)
- Polnisch (2)
- Possessivkonstruktion (2)
- Proto-Tibetobirmanisch (2)
- Prädikation (2)
- Romanische Sprachen (2)
- Rumänisch (2)
- Satz (2)
- Spanisch (2)
- Sprachstatistik (2)
- Swahili (2)
- Tibetobirmanische Sprachen ; Sinotibetische Sprachen (2)
- Tongaisch (2)
- Verben (2)
- Vergangenheitstempus (2)
- Verwandtschaftsbezeichnung (2)
- (Morpho)syntactic focus strategy (1)
- Affigierung (1)
- Akan-Sprache (1)
- Altenglisch (1)
- Amerikanisches Englisch (1)
- Analogie (1)
- Anapher <Syntax> (1)
- Antikausativ (1)
- Antonym (1)
- Arabisch (1)
- Aufsatzsammlung (1)
- Australische Sprachen (1)
- Bahasa Indonesia (1)
- Bantu (1)
- Baushi (1)
- Belharisch (1)
- Beschränkung <Linguistik> (1)
- Binarismus (1)
- Broad focus (1)
- Cahuilla-Sprache (1)
- Choctaw-Sprache (1)
- Clitic-Doubling (1)
- Consecutio temporum (1)
- Deponens (1)
- Distribution <Linguistik> (1)
- Drung (1)
- Epenthese (1)
- Ergativ (1)
- Estnisch (1)
- Evidentialität (1)
- Finite Verbform (1)
- Finnisch (1)
- Focus ambiguity (1)
- Focus marker (1)
- Formale Semantik (1)
- Frühneuenglisch (1)
- Frühneuhochdeutsch (1)
- Generative Transformationsgrammatik (1)
- Genus verbi (1)
- Georgisch (1)
- Gerundium (1)
- Geschehensverb (1)
- Gradpartikel (1)
- Grammatiktheorie (1)
- Grammatische Kategorie (1)
- Gur (1)
- Hausa-Sprache (1)
- Hebräisch (1)
- Herero-Sprache (1)
- Hilfsverb (1)
- Hindi (1)
- Inchoativ (1)
- Indirekte Rede (1)
- Indogermanische Sprachen (1)
- Indogermanistik (1)
- Infix (1)
- Inkorporation <Linguistik> (1)
- Inuktitut (1)
- Inversion <Grammatik> (1)
- Irisch (1)
- Juxtaposition (1)
- Kasem (1)
- Katalanisch (1)
- Kausativ (1)
- Keltische Sprachen (1)
- Kiranti (1)
- Koartikulation (1)
- Komposition <Wortbildung> (1)
- Konditionalsatz (1)
- Konjunktion (1)
- Konstruktion <Linguistik> (1)
- Konstruktionsgrammatik (1)
- Kontrastive Morphologie (1)
- Kontrolle <Linguistik> (1)
- Koordination <Linguistik> (1)
- Kutenai (1)
- Kwa-Sprachen (1)
- KwaNdebele (1)
- Körperteil (1)
- Lettisch (1)
- Lexikalisierung (1)
- Litauisch (1)
- Logische Partikel (1)
- Makua-Sprache (1)
- Malagassi-Sprache (1)
- Malawi (1)
- Manx (1)
- Marker <Linguistik> (1)
- Markiertheit (1)
- Maya-Sprache (1)
- Mazateco (1)
- Mehrworteinheit (1)
- Modalverb (1)
- Modus (1)
- Mohawk (1)
- Move-alpha (1)
- Nama-Sprache (1)
- Natürliche Morphologie (1)
- Negation (1)
- Newari (1)
- Nilosaharanische Sprachen (1)
- Nomen actionis (1)
- Nominalklasse (1)
- Nullmorphem (1)
- Numerus (1)
- Nungisch (1)
- Oberflächenstruktur <Linguistik> (1)
- Oneida-Sprache (1)
- Palatalisierung (1)
- Palaung (1)
- Persisch (1)
- Plural (1)
- Plusquamperfekt (1)
- Portugiesisch (1)
- Pro-Form (1)
- Produktivität <Linguistik> (1)
- Präfix (1)
- Raising (1)
- Reduplikation (1)
- Reihenfolge (1)
- Relativsatz (1)
- Resultativ (1)
- Selkupisch (1)
- Semantische Kongruenz (1)
- Semitische Sprachen (1)
- Slawische Sprachen (1)
- Slowenisch (1)
- Spaltsatz (1)
- Stativ <Grammatik> (1)
- Substantiv (1)
- Suffixbildung (1)
- Suppire (1)
- Suppire-Sprache (1)
- Suppletivismus (1)
- Tharaka (1)
- Thematische Relation (1)
- Tiefenstruktur (1)
- Tone language (1)
- Tonologie (1)
- Topikalisierung (1)
- Tschechisch (1)
- Tswana (1)
- Tswana-Sprache (1)
- Tätigkeitsverb (1)
- Türkisch (1)
- Unregelmäßiges Verb (1)
- Verbalisierung (1)
- Verbalphrase (1)
- Wortart (1)
- Wortstamm (1)
- Wortverbindung (1)
- Yoruba-Sprache (1)
- Zusammenbildung (1)
- Zustandsverb (1)
- ge <Morphem> (1)
- Österreichisches Deutsch (1)
Institute
The indigenous languages of North America have played a critical role in discussions of the universality of part-of-speech distinctions. In this paper, we show that Oneida does not include a grammatical distinction between nouns and verbs. Rather, Oneida inflecting lexical items are subject to two cross-cutting semantic classifications, one that concerns the sort of entities they describe, the other the sort of semantic relation they include in their content. Labels such as ‘noun' and ‘verb' can still be used for cross-linguistic comparison, as the semantic partition of lexical items corresponds to canonical nouns and verbs according to morphologists and some typologists. But the meta-grammatical status of these labels is quite distinct from the status of corresponding labels in Indo-European languages like English.
This paper presents a formalization of proportional analogy using typed feature structures, which retains all key elements of analogical models of morphology. With the Kasem number system as an example, I show that using this model it is possible to express partial analogies which are unified into complete analogies. The analysis presented is accompanied by a complete TRALE implementation.
In this paper, we study Old French declension, a system which exhibits the theoretically challenging phenomenon of morphological reversal (Baerman, 2007). Furthermore, the declension system of Old French only recognises a single exponent -s, which marks different case/number combinations in different paradigms, contrasting with the unmarked form. We show that reversal is only one of several syncretism patterns found in the language and propose that Old French declension is best understood in terms of two systematic syncretisms: a natural split between singular and plural for feminines, and a Paninian split for masculines that systematically marks the objective plural. Reversal, and other seemingly morphomic splits arise as a result of idiosyncrasy in the NOM.SG cell, comprising inflection class-specific s-marking, as well as stem alternation and overabundance. We provide a formal analysis in terms of Information-based Morphology (Crysmann & Bonami, 2016) that effortlessly captures the systematic splits, as well as the variation in the nominative singular. We suggest that the high degree of idiosyncrasy in this cell paired with the reduced frequency of overt nominative NPs when compared to objective NPs may serve to explain why the system was actually quite short-lived.
Against split morphology
(2017)
In this paper I present data from several Niger Congo languages, illustrating how the paradigms which make up the noun class systems of these languages are problematic to analyze within traditional morphosyntactic frameworks. I outline possible solutions to this problem, and argue for the introduction of an exemplar based Word and Paradigm (Blevins 2006) approach to morphology within SBCG. I then outline the consequences of this approach for the structure of the SBCG lexicon.
In this paper we discuss two contrasting views of exponence in inflectional morphology: the atomistic view, where content is associated individually with minimal segmentable morphs, and the holistic view, where the association is made for the whole word between complex content and constellations of morphs. On the basis of data from Estonian and Swahili, we argue that an adequate theory of inflection should be able to accomodate both views. We then show that the framework of Information-based Morphology (Crysmann and Bonami, 2016) is indeed compatible with both views, thanks to relying on realisation rules that associate m units of forms with n units of content.
The phenomenon of so-called 'mixed' categories, whereby a word heads a phrase which appears to display some features of one lexical category, and some features of another, raises questions regarding the criteria used for distinguishing syntactic categories. In this paper I critically assess some recent work in LFG which provides 'mixed category' analyses. I show that three types of evidence are typically utilized in analyses of supposed mixed category phenomena, and I argue that two of these are not, in fact, crucial for determining category status. I show that two distinct phenomena have become conflated under the 'mixed category' heading, and argue that the term ‘mixed category’ should be reserved for only one of these.
Standard accounts of HPSG assume a distinction between morphology and syntax. However, despite decades of research, no cross-linguistically valid definition of 'word' has emerged (Haspelmath, 2010), suggesting that no sharp distinction is justified. Under such a view, the basic units are morphemes, rather than words, but it has been argued this raises problems when analysing phenomena such as zero inflection, syncretism, stem alternations, and extended exponence. We argue that with existing HPSG machinery, a morpheme-based approach can in fact deal with such issues. To illustrate this, we consider Slovene nominal declension and Georgian verb agreement, which have both been used to argue against constructive morpheme-based approaches. We overcome these concerns through use of a type hierarchy, and give a morpheme-based analysis which is simpler than the alternatives. Furthermore, we can recast notions from Word-and-Paradigm morphology, such as 'rule of referral' and 'stem space', in our framework. We conclude that using HPSG as a unified morphosyntactic theory is not only feasible, but also yields fruitful insights.
In most recent work, Crysmann and Bonami (2012) suggest to reconcile the insights of inferential-realisational morphology (Anderson, 1992; Stump, 2001; Brown and Hippisley, 2012) with the full typology of variable morphotactics: situations where the expression of analogous feature sets can appear in various positions in the string. The authors proposed to account for these facts by importing, into HPSG, a variant of Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump, 2001) where realisation rules are doubly indexed for linear position and paradigmatic opposition. In this paper we first introduce more empirical challenges for theories of morphotactics that neither PFM nor the reformist approach of Crysmann and Bonami (2012) can accommodate. We then argue for a reappraisal of methods for morph introduction, and propose a new approach that replaces stipulation of classes of paradigmatic opposition with a general distinction between expression and conditioning (Carstairs, 1987; Noyer, 1992) which greatly expands the scope of Pāṇini’s Principle.
We will observe which stem allomorph the affixes, the so-called 'non-past' affix, the past affix, the imperative affix, the negative affix and the voice affix-like verbs, select between the longer and the shorter in Japanese-Yanagawa dialect on the assumption that verbal lexemes may be associated with more than one stem. Observing the phenomenon more closely, we found that the verbal stem forms entertain default implicative relations in the stem dependency hierarchy. We will propose i) an implemented analysis of the past affix and ii) an implementation of the allomorph selections by the 'non-past' affix in Koga and Ono, 2010 as two examples.
Recent years have witnessed a renewal of interest in variable morph ordering, the situation where the position of a morph in the word is not constant. These situations present a challenge to extant inferential-realisational approaches to morphology (Stump, 2001), insofar as these adopt implicitly or explicitly an a-morphous approach to morphological composition (Anderson, 1992). In this paper we will first review the typology of known variable morph ordering phenomena in inflection. We then argue that the challenges can be met by making a distinction between paradigmatic opposition classes and syntagmatic position classes, and show that this distinction can readily be implemented in HPSG while keeping the amorphous assumption.
Backshift is a phenomenon affecting verb tense that is visible as a mismatch between some specific embedded contexts and other environments. For instance, the indirect speech equivalent of a sentence like 'Kim likes reading', with a present tense verb, may show the same verb in a past tense form, as in 'Sandy said Kim liked reading'. We present a general analysis of backshift, pooling data from English and Romance languages. Our analysis acknowledges that tense morphology is ambiguous between different temporal meanings, explicitly models the role of the speech time and the event times involved and takes the aspectual constraints of tenses into consideration.
In this paper, I discuss verb to noun conversion in French. The properties of the input verb and the output noun are presented and a formal representation is proposed using the SBCG framework. The use of such a formalism based on constraints and multiple inheritance highlights the difficulties in defining what exactly is a conversion rule. I propose that the different properties of the input verb and the output noun can be thought of as different dimensions of classification, which characterize the verb to noun conversion rule.
Based on the notion of a lexicon with default inheritance, I address the problem of how to provide a template for lexical representations that allows us to capture the relatedness between inflected word forms and canonically derived lexemes within a broadly realizational-inferential model of morphology. To achieve this we need to be able to represent a whole host of intermediate types of lexical relatedness that are much less frequently discussed in the literature. These include transpositions such as deverbal participles, in which a word's morphosyntactic class changes (e.g. verb ⇒ adjective) but no semantic predicate is added to the semantic representation and the derived word remains, in an important sense, a "form" of the base lexeme (e.g. the 'present participle form of the verb'). I propose a model in which morphological properties are inherited by default from syntactic properties and syntactic properties are inherited from semantic properties, such as ontological category (the Default Cascade). Relatedness is defined in terms of a Generalized Paradigm Function (perhaps in reality a relation), a generalization of the Paradigm Function of Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump 2001). The GPF has four components which deliver respectively specifications of a morphological form, syntactic properties, semantic representation and a lexemic index (LI) unique to each individuated lexeme in the lexicon. In principle, therefore, the same function delivers derived lexemes as inflected forms. In order to ensure that a newly derived lexeme of a distinct word class can be inflected I assume two additional principles. First, I assume an Inflectional Specifiability Principle, which states that the form component of the GPF (which defines inflected word forms of a lexeme) is dependent on the specification of the lexeme's morpholexical signature, a declaration of the properties that the lexeme is obliged to inflect for (defined by default on the basis of morpholexical class). I then propose a Category Erasure Principle, which states that 'lower' attributes are erased when the GPF introduces a non-trivial change to a 'higher' attribute (e.g. a change to the semantic representation entails erasure of syntactic and morphological information). The required information is then provided by the Default Cascade, unless overridden by specific declarations in the GPF. I show how this model can account for a variety of intermediate types of relatedness which cannot easily be treated as either inflection or derivation, and conclude with a detailed illustration of how the system applies to a particularly interesting type of transposition in the Samoyedic language Sel'kup, in which a noun is transposed to a similitudinal adjective whose form is in paradigmatic opposition to case-marked noun forms, and which is therefore a kind of inflection.
This paper primarily presents an analysis of nominal inflection in Hindi within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, 1994 and Harley and Noyer 1999). Müller (2002, 2003, 2004) for German, Icelandic and Russian nouns respectively and Weisser (2006) for Croatian nouns have also used Distributed Morphology (henceforth DM) to analyze nominal inflectional morphology. This paper will discuss in detail the inflectional categories and inflectional classes, the morphological processes operating at syntax, the distribution of vocabulary items and the readjustment rules required to describe Hindi nominal inflection. Earlier studies on Hindi inflectional morphology (Guru 1920, Vajpeyi 1958, Upreti 1964, etc.) were greatly influenced by the Paninian tradition (classical Sanskrit model) and work with Paninian constructs such as root and stem. They only provide descriptive studies of Hindi nouns and verbs and their inflections without discussing the role or status of affixes that take part in inflection. The discussion on the mechanisms (morphological operations and rules) used to analyze or generate word forms are missing in these studies. In addition, these studies do not account for syntax-morphology or morphology-phonology mismatches that show up in word formation. One aim of this paper is to present an economical way of forming noun classes in Hindi as compared to other traditional methods, especially gender and stem ending based or paradigm based methods that give rise to a large number of inflectional paradigms. Using inflectional class information to analyse the various forms of Hindi nouns, we can reduce the number of affixes and word-generation and readjustment rules that are required to describe nominal inflection. The analysis also helps us in developing a morphological analyzer for Hindi. The small set of rules and fewer inflectional classes are of great help to lexicographers and system developers. To the best of our knowledge, the analysis of Hindi inflectional morphology based on DM and its implementation in a Hindi morphological analyzer has not been done before. The methods discussed here can be applied to other Indian languages for analysis as well as word generation.
This paper presents a descriptive overview and formal analysis of the use of pronominal clitics for realizing various types of arguments in Persian, with particular emphasis on object clitics in the verbal domain. We argue that pronominal clitics behave more like suffixes than independent syntactic elements; in cases where they take syntactic scope over an NP or a PP, they must be phrasal affixes. We propose an HPSG analysis to account for the morphosyntactic aspects of verbal suffixation of object clitics, possessive clitics, preverbal object clitics, and clitic doubling constructions. Finally, we explore extensions of the analysis to periphrastic verb forms, and we compare our proposals for Persian to previous HPSG work on clitic phenomena in other languages.
Mazatec is an Eastern Otomanguean language spoken by about 200,000 people, located in the northeastern part of the state of Oaxaca, Mexico. The present paper aims to shed new light on Mazatec verb inflection within the framework of current research on Otomanguean phonology and morphology. We intend to show that, despite bewildering apparent complexity, mainly due to extensive morphophonological processes, Mazatec inflectional morphology is in fact rather simple and regular. Realizational approaches, in particular Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM) seem especially adequate to capture such regularities.
Semitic languages exhibit rich nonconcatenative morphological operations, which can generate a myriad of derived lexemes. Especially, the feature rich, root-driven morphology in the Arabic language demonstrates the construction of several verb-derived nominals (verbal nouns) such as gerunds, active participles, passive participles, locative participles, etc. Although HPSG is a successful syntactic theory, it lacks the representation of complex nonconcatenative morphology. In this paper, we propose a novel HPSG representation for Arabic nominals and various verb-derived nouns. We also present the lexical type hierarchy and derivational rules for generating these verb-derived nominals using the HPSG framework.
Investigating the morphological and syntactic properties of discontinuous negative marking in Hausa, I shall suggest a constructional approach involving edge inflection, accounting simultaneously for the morphologically bound nature of the initial marker and its interaction with the TAM system, haplology of the final marker, and wide scope over coordination. I will argue that the degree of morphological integration of initial markers and haplology of final markers both favour an edge feature approach over phrasal affixation.