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Institute
The fact that inflectional affixes always attach to the verbal stem leads to the bracketing paradox in the case of particle verbs since the semantic contribution of the inflectional information scopes over the complete particle verb. I will discuss nominalizations and adjective derivation, which are also problematic because of various bracketing paradoxes. I will suggest a solution to these paradoxes that assumes that inflectional and derivational prefixes and suffixes always attach to a form of a stem that contains the information about particles already, but without containing a phonological realization of the particle. The particle is a dependent of the verb and is combined with its head after inflection and derivation. With such an approach no rebracketing mechanisms are necessary.
This paper presents a general approach to verbal inflection with special emphasis on suppletion phenomena. The paper focuses on French, but the approach is general enough to apply to a wide variety of languages.
In the first part of the paper, we show that suppletion is not erratic: suppletive forms tend to always appear in groups, in definite areas of verbal paradigms. Our analysis is based on the observation of a number of dependency relations between inflectional forms of verbs (somewhat similar to rules of referral (Zwicky 1985, Stump 1993)). We define for each language a stem dependency tree based on these observations, which allows one to predict the whole paradigm of every verb in the language on the basis of a minimal number of idiosyncratic stems. We use the tree to minimize the quantity of redundant phonological information that has to be listed in the lexicon for a given lexeme, assuming that an optimal analysis of inflection should be able to derive all and only intuitively predictable inflectional forms from a single representation.
The second part of the paper attempts to integrate the analysis in an HPSG hierarchical lexicon. Morphological dependency relations are represented directly by mentioning a lexical sign in another sign's lexical entry. The approach to suppletion proposed in the first part is made explicit using a combination of online type construction and default constraints on the phonology of dependent signs.
A number of the languages of Polynesia, including Tongan and Samoan, display a process whereby a pronominal argument of the main predicate of a clause appears to be realized as a preverbal 'second position' (2P) pronoun. All other arguments, if overt, are realized postverbally, the languages being rigidly predicate-initial. This paper examines the characteristics of these pronouns in Tongan arguing that in most cases they are best treated as distinct words in their own right (though often phonologically deficient) while in a handful of cases they are affixal material composed morphologically with a preceding preverbal Tense/Aspect Marker (TAM). Despite the fact that Tongan preverbal pronouns clearly do not appear in a typical argument position, standard approaches to 2P pronominal elements (e.g. 'clitic climbing' and 'prosodic inversion') do not seem naturally applicable to the Tongan data. The relation-based analysis provided here exploits a natural consequence of various potential definitions of 'subjecthood' within HPSG, treating the preverbal pronouns as the (unique) instantation of the valence feature SUBJ and correctly blocking the possibility of the pronoun appearing in true second position above the TAM when a clause-initial conjunction is present, except in particular specified circumstances. Thus the Tongan pronouns are not strict '2P' elements despite the fact that they most often appear in second position in a clause.
Am 5. und 6. Mai 2022 fand am Institut für Germanistik der Universität Leipzig der von Adele Baltuttis, Anna Bliß, Barbara Schlücker und dem Autor dieses Berichts organisierte internationale Workshop "Word Formation and Discourse Structure" statt. Gegenstand des Workshops war ein bisher in der Forschung weitgehend unbeachtetes Thema, nämlich die Rolle der Wortbildung für die Struktur und Verständlichkeit von Texten: Inwieweit tragen komplexe Wörter zum Strukturaufbau und zur inhaltlichen Verknüpfung über Satzgrenzen hinweg bei? Vor dem Hintergrund dieses Desiderats sollte der Workshop ein Forum bieten, in dem zu diesem Thema Perspektiven interdisziplinärer Forschung erarbeitet werden. Zwar sind bereits in den 1970er bis 1990er Jahren erste Arbeiten zur Interaktion von Wortbildung und Text- bzw. Diskurslinguistik entstanden, im Anschluss ist das Thema jedoch kaum noch verfolgt worden. Dabei fanden in der Text-/Diskurslinguistik enorme Entwicklungen statt, etwa bei der Einbeziehung neuer Methoden, insbesondere aus der Psycho- und Computerlinguistik oder hinsichtlich elaborierter theoretischer Modellierungen. Der Aspekt der Wortbildung blieb hierbei aber weitgehend außen vor. Der Workshops sollte deshalb neue und bekannte Fragen und Probleme (wieder) aufgreifen und vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Erkenntnisse und Methoden neu diskutieren. Das Thema Wortbildung und Diskursstruktur ist insofern ein neues und interdisziplinäres Thema, das das Zusammenspiel unterschiedlicher linguistischer Bereiche und Traditionen erfordert. Dies zeigt sich auch im Programm des Workshops, das internationale Wissenschaftler:innen aus verschiedenen linguistischen Teilbereichen (Wortbildung, historische Sprachwissenschaft, Diskurs-/Textlinguistik, Fachsprachen, Korpus- und Computerlinguistik) zusammengebracht hat.
Based on the privative derivational suffix -los, we test statements found in the literature on word formation using a – at least in this field – novel empirical basis: a list of affective-emotional ratings of base nouns and associated -los derivations. In addition to a frequency analysis based on the German Reference Corpus, we show that, in general, emotional polarity (so-called valence, positive vs. negative emotions) is reversed by suffixation with -los. This change is stronger for more polarized base nouns. The perceived intensity of emotion (so-called arousal) is generally lower for -los derivations than for base nouns. Finally, to capture the results theoretically, we propose a prototypical -los construction in the framework of Construction Morphology.
This article addresses the controversial question how non-derived denominal verbs (e.g. wingsuit, kennel, trombone) build their argument structures. Based on selected subsets of conceptually related verbs it will be shown that the argument structures of these verbs are flexible though not arbitrary. Without context, these verbs evoke frame-like default situations which are determined by speakers' shared encyclopaedic knowledge and sensorimotor experience and which are mapped onto a small set of abstract event schemata that 'predesign' thematic configurations. The discourse context, which also provides the syntactic context, either meets or models our expectations as to the context-free readings. In the latter case, new (metaphorical) readings are contextually created. These configurations are not arbitrary either because the meanings of verbalized nouns should always be (a) in a relation of contiguity to the base-noun concepts and (b) compatible with the semantics of the syntactic constructions.
Am 2. und 3. Dezember 2021 fand im Haus der Universität in Düsseldorf die von Katrin Hein (IDS Mannheim) und Sascha Michel (RWTH Aachen) organisierte Tagung "Wortbildung und Konstruktionsgrammatik" statt, welche von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) sowie der Gesellschaft von Freunden und Förderern der HHU (GFFU) finanziert wurde. Aufgrund der aktuellen Corona-Lage wurde die Tagung in einem hybriden Veranstaltungsformat durchgeführt, sodass neben den Veranstaltern und fünf ReferentInnen vor Ort weitere fünf ReferentInnen aus Deutschland, den Niederlanden, Italien und Frankreich zugeschaltet wurden. Daneben fand sich mit 46 digital Teilnehmenden aus dem In- und Ausland ein großer und disziplinär breit aufgestellter Rezipientenkreis aus LinguistInnen, GermanistInnen, RomanistInnen, AnglistInnen sowie Literatur- und ÜbersetzungswissenschaftlerInnen ein, die nicht nur die Vortragsdiskussionen bereicherten, sondern insgesamt die bestehende Relevanz des Tagungsthemas unterstrichen.
So-called gender-neutral nouns like Freund*innen, Redakteur_in or AutorInnen are suspected to not fit into the linguistic system. This paper argues that if these forms are pronounced with a glottal stop (e.g. Freund[ʔ]innen), only small changes in the grammar are needed to integrate them. It is shown that the suffix [ʔ ɪn] in these derivatives can be analysed as a phonological word and therefore could be a new suffix that is added to the grammar. The phonological structure of its derivatives is shown to be just like the phonological structure of many native German derived nouns as many suffixes form a phonological word of their own. Also, the insertion of [ʔ] in these derived wordforms can be explained by the status of the suffix as a phonological word. Hence, it is argued that speakers do not ignore the regularities of the grammar when they use gender-neutral nouns with [ʔ ɪn], but rather work with these rules to create new words with new meanings.
This study proposes a cross-linguistic, corpus-based, and constructionist analysis of denominal verbs (DNVs) in English, Dutch and German. DNV constructions include various morphological construction types, such as conversion (e.g. English bottle > to bottle), prefixation (e.g. Dutch arm 'arm' > omarmen 'to embrace') and suffixation (e.g. German Katapult 'catapult' > katapultieren 'to catapult'). We investigate the correlation between the distribution of DNV constructions and the typological properties of the languages, focusing on boundary permeability, inflectional complexity, syntactic configurationality and word-class assignment. The study shows that, although the three languages have the same repertoire of DNV constructions at their disposal, a Germanic cline can be detected in their preferences for non-overt vs overt marking of the word-class change. As such, the study highlights the impact of typological factors on the shape of language-specific constructional networks.
The present study investigates word formation processes and strategies in monolingual and bilingual children by age 7 to 8. Using an elicitation task in form of naming of low frequent complex objects, it is analyzed whether bilingual children use other word formation strategies than monolinguals do. Therefore, N=9 monolinguals and N=9 bilinguals were tested. N=268 elicited reactions were analyzed. Results show bilinguals to use the same word formation strategies to the same extent as monolinguals do. Compounding overweighs derivation in each child. However, a more in-depth qualitative analysis shows that the complex compounds formed by bilingual children disregard the German composition rule of right-hand heads to a significantly higher extent than the monolingual children do. Since this acquisition process has been reported for German monolingual 2-year old children, this result is interpreted as a delayed acquisition process rather than a transfer from the respective first language.
This paper deals with German kinship terms ending with the form "n" (Muttern, Vatern). Firstly, data from newspapers are presented that show that especially Muttern denotes very special meanings that can only be derived to a limited extent from the lexical base: a) Muttern referring to a home where mother cares for you, b) Muttern standing for overprotection, and c) Muttern representing a special food style (often embedded in prepositional phrases and/or comparative constructions like wie bei or wie von Muttern). Secondly, it is argued that the addition of n to kinship terms is not a word-formation pattern, but that these word forms are instead lexicalized and idiomatized in contemporary German. Hence, a diachronic scenario is applied to account for the data. It is argued in the present paper that the n-forms have been borrowed from Low German dialects, especially from constructional idioms of the type ‘X-wie bei Muttern’ and that forms were enriched by semantic concepts associated with the dialect.
The paper explores factors that influence the distribution of constituent words of compounds over the head and modifier position. The empirical basis for the study is a large database of German compounds, annotated with respect to the morphological structure of the compound and the semantic category of the constituents. The study shows that the polysemy of the constituent word, its constituent family size, and its semantic category account for tendencies of the constituent word to occur in either modifier or head position. Furthermore, the paper explores the degree to which the semantic category combination of head and modifier word, e.g., x=substance and y=artifact, indicates the semantic relation between the constituents, e.g., y_consists_of_x.
Nominalization in French can be done by means of conversion, which is characterized by the identity between the base and the derived lexeme. Since both noun→verb and verb→noun conversions exist, this property raises directionality issues, and sometimes leads to contradictory analyses of the same examples. The paper presents two approaches of conversion: derivational and non-derivational ones. Then it discusses various criteria used in derivational approaches to determine the direction of conversion: diachronic ones, such as dates of first attestation or etymology; and synchronic ones, such as semantic relations, noun gender or verb inflection. All criteria are evaluated on a corpus of 3,241 French noun~verb pairs. It is shown that none of them enables to identify the direction of conversion in French. Finally, the consequences for the theory of morphology are discussed.
This article examines French Verb-Noun compounds with Means value (couvre-pied 'blanket', lit. cover-feet), derived from stative bases. It shows that they are generally ambiguous between Means and Instrument reading. The regularity of this double value discards an analysis relying on verbal homonymy, in favor of Rothmayr's (2009) hypothesis of bi-eventive verbs. We assume that the presence of an agentive as well as a stative component in the verbal bases accounts for the double Means/Instrument value of the VNs studied here. We also examine "pure" Instrument VNs, available with similar verbal bases. We show that the distribution of the Instrument vs. Means/Instrument values relies on the state of the referent of the noun involved in the compound after the event described by the verbal base occurred. A permanent state entails a "pure" Instrument reading, whereas Means/Instrument reading obtains if the state of N is reversible (Fábregas & Marín 2012).
Simple Event nominals with Argument Structure? – Evidence from Irish deverbal nominalizations
(2020)
Deverbal nominals in Irish support Grimshaw's (1990) tripartite division into complex event (CE-), simple event (SE-) and result nominals (R-nominals). Irish nominals are ambiguous only between the SE- and R-status. There are no CE-nominals containing the AspP layer in their structure. SE-nominals (also found in Light Verb Constructions) are number-neutral and incapable of pluralizing and are represented as [nP[vP[Root]]]. R-nominals are devoid of the vP layer and behave like ordinary nouns. The Irish data point to v as the layer introducing event implications and the vP or PPs as the functional heads introducing the internal argument (Alexiadou and Schäfer 2011). Event denoting nominals in Irish can license the internal argument but aspectual modification and external argument licensing are not possible (cf. synthetic compounds in Greek (Alexiadou 2017)), which means that, counter to Borer (2013), the licensing of Argument Structure need not follow from the presence of the AspP layer.
We investigate deverbal zero-derived nominals in English (e.g., to walk > a walk) from the perspective of the lexical semantics of their base verbs and the interpretations they may receive (e.g., event, result state, product, agent). By acknowledging that, in the absence of an overt affix, the meaning of zero-nominals is highly dependent on that of the base, the ultimate goal of this study is to identify possible meaning regularities that these nominals may display in relation to the different semantic verb classes. We report on a newly created database of 1,000 zero-derived nominals, which have been collected for various semantic verb classes. We test previous generalizations made in the literature in comparison with suffix-based nominals and in relation to the ontological type of the base verb. While these generalizations may intuitively hold, we find intriguing challenges that bring zero-derived nominals closer to suffix-based nominals than previously claimed.
Deutsche Komposita haben einige forschungsrelevante Eigenarten, zum Beispiel die Fugenelemente. Kopf hatte deshalb befürchtet, das Thema Fugenelement sei längst "leergeforscht" (S. 1). Natürlich ist kein Thema wirklich leergeforscht. Weil wir verschiedene Ansichten und Einsichten haben. Weil niemand auf Forschungsfragen definitiv antworten kann. Weil sich unsere Sprache – wie alles in der Welt – ständig verändert.
Multiple exponence in morphology has recently attracted a good deal of attention (see, among others, Harris 2017; Caballero & Inkelas 2018). In this paper, I examine Modern Greek verbs which take an extra verbalizer (implicit multiple exponence). The simple base (bare form) and the base with the verbalizer co-exist in the lexicon without any semantic or aspectual opposition and can be used in the same syntactic context. Thus, they raise important questions for morphological theory. I argue that the explanation of this pleonastic addition may be hidden in the relation between inflection and derivation and the polyfunctional character of verbalizers in synthetic languages. Since the two forms co-exist and one member of each pair features an idiomatic association of meaning and complex form, morphological theory is challenged. I argue that these formations find a natural account within the framework of Construction Morphology (Booij 2010; Jackendoff & Audring 2019).
In ihrer neuesten Publikation befasst sich die ausgewiesene Wortbildungsexpertin Elke Donalies mit Fällen wie Wetterbeobachter, Dickhäuter, Vergissmeinnicht, zartfühlend und wieviel, deren linguistische Erfassung nach wie vor Probleme bereitet. Grund dafür dürfte zum einen sein, dass die Worthaftigkeit der untersuchten Einheiten vielfach fraglich ist (z. B. zart fühlend als syntaktische Fügung vs. zartfühlend als Wort bzw. Wortbildungsprodukt). Zum anderen ist die Analyse der Einheiten – bei Zuordnung zum Bereich Wortbildung – schwierig und im Resultat entsprechend vielfältig (z. B. Dickhäuter als Derivation, Zusammenbildung oder synthetic compound (vgl. S. 114)). Donalies hat sich also mit der Wahl derartiger "linguistischer Problemmacher" viel vorgenommen und insgesamt drei Jahre Projektzeit im Rahmen ihrer IDS-Tätigkeit dafür aufgewendet (Januar 2015–Januar 2018).
This paper deals with complex prefix-particle structures like aberkennen in German. First, it presents a scheme to analyse these double complex words from a synchronic point of view. Second, it is shown for words with ab-, that this type of word formation is typical for Middle and Early Modern High German and reasons for the decrease are discussed.
This study explores four German nominalization patterns (-ung; -erei; Ge- -X-e; nominalized infinitives) using corpus and web data. We conclude that they can be considered a word formation paradigm, as some functions depend on paradigmatic oppositions. Our case study supports gradual differences between inflectional and word formation paradigmaticity.
Besides some well-established forms like autoritär 'authoritarian'; humanitär 'humanitarian'; new coinages ending with -itär can be found in German. These adjectives are closely related to nouns ending with -ität. From an etymological point of view; these formations are morphologically transparent. Not only are the adjectives new; but -itär emerges as a new suffix.
Die hier zu besprechende Dissertation des schwedischen Germanisten Nicolaus Janos Raag ist an der Universität Uppsala (Schweden) unter der Betreuung von Dessislava Stoeva-Holm entstanden. Die Arbeit will zeigen, welche Rolle Substantivkomposita im Rahmen der Wissensvermittlung und des Kulturtransfers spielen, wie deutsche Komposita lateinisch vermittelte Inhalte in die eigene frühmittelalterliche klösterliche Kultur der Rezipienten integrieren und welche Veränderungen sie dabei erfahren. Für die Untersuchung wurden Substantivkomposita ausgewählt, da sie prädestiniert für die Benennung von bisher Unbekanntem sind und durch ihre binäre Struktur die Fähigkeit besitzen, zwei Größen zueinander in Beziehung zu setzen, wobei die semantische Relation zwischen den Konstituenten eines Kompositums prinzipiell offen und auf morphologischer Ebene nicht ausgedrückt ist.
Phrasal compounding is a phenomenon illustrated by slept all day look. Prototypical examples are determinative compounds with a nominal head and a phrasal non-head. They raise interesting questions about the interaction of syntax and morphology and have been discussed in this context by Botha (1981) for Afrikaans and Lieber (1992) for English. Also in German and Turkish, they have received ample attention. This volume has as its main purpose to extend the range of languages for which phrasal compounds are discussed. It consists of a brief introduction (chapter 1), six chapters devoted to individual languages, and a final chapter with a more general outlook. The use of further in the title is perhaps surprising, in particular because the volume under review is the first of a new series. It is motivated by the fact that the papers are from “the second workshop on phrasal compounding”, held in Mannheim in 2015. In this review, I will first present and discuss each chapter, then consider some general points about the volume.
The project WBLUX (Wortbildung des moselfränkisch-luxemburgischen Raumes) at the University of Luxembourg aims at the investigation of Luxembourgish word formation through different text sorts and genres. In order to achieve this goal the compilation of an annotated corpus is needed. This article gives an example for benefits of using a corpus with annotations like parts of speech, lemmata and word formation affixes in the analysis of productivity of some selected word formation affixes of Luxembourgish. Then it describes how one can achieve such a corpus from a technical point of view. This includes the choice of corpus format, of a database platform and the designing of programs needed for the annotation process of word formation itself. This article also suggests new corpus linguistic approaches for research of word formation like analyzing the usage of word formation bases in the entire corpus or performing context analysis in order to determine semantical functions of each suffix.
This paper provides an overview of the connection between word formation and text type linguistics. Following a brief outline of the current state of research, desiderata and weaknesses of previous research as well as perspectives of a text type oriented research on word formation will be introduced. Here, I advocate a stronger inclusion of oral (with regard to the medium) and conceptually spoken text types (cf. Koch/Oesterreicher 1985). The focus is on the analysis of word formations within the text type of battle rap, which can be classified as oral and conceptually spoken. The analysis gives an insight into my habilitation project outlined in the essay and shows how this project can be realized.
A typical characteristic of Central German dialects, especially of the Ripuarian dialect, is that it has collective nouns with ge- + -ze (cf. gesteinze) besides those with ge- + -e (cf. gesteine) corresponding to Dutch gesteente and gestene. A relationship between ge- + -ze and ge- + -te has been assumed for a long time. A corpus-based comparison is given in order to explain the genesis of these different formation types (ge- + -e, ge- + -ze, ge- + -te) and their relations. It seems likely that earlier Dutch formations influenced their Ripuarian counterparts. Rarely, the circumfix ge- + -te also occurs in Ripuarian texts and may be autochthone. One main result is that the suffic -ze in Ripuarian restores the collective formation in the circumfix ge- + -e when it was destroyed by the e-apokope. This is a rare instance where an element of word formation is replaced by another one in order to neutralize the isolation effect of sound change.
German "-isch" and English "-ish" share a common Germanic origin, which is evidenced by striking similarities concerning the derivation of ethnic adjectives "(englisch/English)" or property-denoting adjectives "(kindisch/childish)". However, after an initial period of parallel characteristics, the two languages display drastic changes, with English developing an approximative sense when attached to adjectival bases (e.g. "greenish") and expanding to a wide range of other word categories, while German "-isch" develops multiple functions and also comes to firmly occupy a morphological niche with non-native bases. The paper sheds light on the evolving divergence between German and English by presenting results from two diachronic corpus-based studies. Additionally, explanations with respect to the typological parameter of 'Boundary Permeability' are provided.
This paper investigates the spelling of compound nouns in a corpus comprised of Early New High German protocols of witch trials from the 16th and 17th century. Previous studies on the spelling of compound nouns in printed texts have found that scribes increasingly write compound nouns as one word during the 16th century. However, this paper will show that there is still much variation in handwritten texts from that time. The study focusses on identifying factors that lead scribes to write compound nouns either as one word or two, such as linking elements and the use of upper case letters. I will argue that while there is more variation in the spelling of compound nouns in the handwritten corpus than in printed texts, there still is a strong tendency to line up the boundaries of the graphemic and syntactic words.
Organized by Sabine Schulte im Walde (University of Stuttgart) and Eva Smolka (University of Konstanz) as part of the 39th Annual Conference of the German Linguistic Society (DGfS) held at the Saarland University in Saarbrücken, Germany, the workshop aimed “to shed light on the interaction of constituent properties and compound transparency across languages and disciplines integrating linguistic, psycholinguistic, corpus-based and computational studies”. The workshop brought together researchers from linguistics, psycholinguistics, and natural language processing and comprised 11 contributed talks, framed by two invited talks by Gary Libben and Marco Marelli. Most of the slides are available from the workshop’s homepage at “http://www.ims.uni-stuttgart.de/events/dgfs-mwe-17/program.html”.
In German, non-finite forms of verbs that are traditionally labelled as "nominalized infinitives", but are better categorized as gerunds, can show very unusual features. Although they carry a definitive article and therefore clearly seem to belong to the class of nouns, they still govern objects and adverbials in exactly the same way the verb does. It is therefore argued that in spite of the determiners, these forms are essentially verbal in nature. The syntactic functions they fulfil can be anything from subject or object to adverbial or attributive modifier, i. e. functions that are usually fulfilled by subordinate clauses. Since this is the same kind of behavior that converbs in languages like Turkish show, this leads to the suggestion that they can indeed be considered as a functionally similar to converbs.
Lexical categories and processes of category change. Perspectives for a constructionist approach
(2017)
This paper revisits the notions of lexical category and category change from a constructionist perspective. I distinguish between four processes of category change (affixal derivation, conversion, transposition and reanalysis) and demonstrate how these category-changing processes can be analyzed in the framework of Construction Grammar. More particularly, it will be claimed that lexical categories can be understood as abstract instances of constructions (i.e., form-function pairings) and category change will be assumed to be closely connected to the process of constructionalization, i.e., the creation of new form-meaning pairings. Furthermore, it will be shown that the constructionist approach offers the advantage of accounting for the variety of input categories (ranging from morphemes to multi-word units) as well as for some problematic characteristics related to certain types of category change, such as context-sensitivity, counterdirectionality and gradualness of the changes.
A phonestheme can be situated somewhere between a morpheme and a sound symbolic unit as well as between single-language and widespread appearance. Very often, phonesthemes are defined statistically. Consonant clusters like "gl-" appear in many words with certain aspects of meaning like "glint, glimmer, glitter". These cases seem to be restricted to individual languages or language families and resemble morphemes. A natural or iconic relationship between form and meaning is not obvious. Several authors, however, include sound symbolic phenomena with implicit natural features such as "i" for small things. This is a very widespread phenomenon and an example for some natural link between form and meaning. The article pleads for a two-fold definition and two types of phonesthemes. Further discussion takes into account the idea of an interrelation between increasing iconicity and higher diffusion as exemplified by the phonesthemes.
Am 25. und 26. November 2016 fand am Germanistischen Institut der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität die vom Autor dieses Berichts organisierte Tagung „Historische Wortbildung. Theorie – Methoden – Perspektiven“ statt. Dabei sollte vor allem die diachrone Wortbildungsforschung zum Deutschen Berücksichtigung finden, eine Forschungsrichtung also, die nach wie vor eine Forschungslücke darstellt. Die heute zur Verfügung stehenden synchronen Beschreibungen der Wortbildung früherer Sprachstufen sowie die Digitalisierung historischer Textbestände und deren Implementierung in komplexe Datenbanken (z. B. des Deutschen Textarchivs2, des Altdeutschen Referenzkorpus3, etc.) bieten der diachron-historischen Wortbildungsforschung neue Möglichkeiten, die es nun zu nutzen gilt.
The article delineates the development of nominal synthetic compounding in the history of German. In particular, it is attested an enhancement of the morphological structure which correlates with a morphological intersection of determinative compounding happening from Early New High German onwards.
French suffixations in -age, -ion and -ment are considered roughly equivalent, yet some differences have been pointed out regarding the semantics of the resulting nominalizations. In this study, we confirm the existence of a semantic distinction between them on the basis of a large scale distributional analysis. We show that the distinction is partially determined by the degree of technicality of the denoted action: -age nominals tend to be more technical than -ion ones. We examine this hypothesis through the statistical modeling of technicality. To this end, we propose a linguistic definition of technicality, which we implement using empirical, quantitative criteria estimated in corpora and lexical resources. We show to what extent the differences with respect to these criteria adequately approximate technicality. Our study indicates that this definition of technicality, while amendable, provides new perspectives for the characterization of action nouns.
The paper investigates the different productivity domains (Rainer 2005) of two Italian event denoting suffixes, -mento and -zione. These suffixes share the same eventive semantics, they are both productive and thus can be seen as rivals in the formation of event nominalizations. The aim is to obtain a better understanding of the constraints that play a role in the selection of one affix over the other. By means of a logistic regression model the contribution of different features of the base verb is investigated. The analysis is conducted on a dataset of 678 nominalizations extracted from a section of Midia, a diachronic balanced corpus explicitly built for morphological research (Gaeta 2017). Results show that the frequency, the inflectional class and the number of characters of the base verb as well as the presence of the prefix a- significantly contribute to the definition of the different domains, only partially confirming previous findings.
This paper presents an overview on deverbal nominalizations from Ktunaxa, a language isolate spoken in eastern British Columbia, Canada. Deverbal nominalizations are formed uniformly with a left-peripheral nominalizing particle k (Morgan 1991). However, they do not form a single homogenous class with respect to various syntactic properties. These properties are illustrated with novel data, showing that deverbal nominalizations fall into at least two classes, which are analyzed here as nominalization taking place at either vP or VP, where vP-nominalizations include the external argument and VP-nominalizations do not. Evidence for this division comes from how possession is expressed, the interpretation of the passive (and passive-like constructions), and the licensing of verbal modifiers. As both classes of deverbal nominalizations are constructed uniformly with the nominalizing particle, these properties are derived syntactically from the size of the verbal constituent being nominalized.
In the typology of West African languages, tone has been noted to play crucial grammatical and lexical roles, but its function in word formation has been less systematically explored and remains to be fully understood. Against this backdrop, the present study seeks to examine the form and function of tonal morphology in the formation of action nominals in four Kwa languages spoken in Ghana, namely Akan, Gã, Lεtε, and Esahie, a relatively unexplored language of the Central Tano subgroup. Relying on data from both secondary and primary sources, we argue that tone raising is an important component of Kwa action nominalization, as it is found across different languages and derivational strategies. Specifically, while across the Kwa languages considered, tone raising tends to be an epiphenomenon of phonological conditioning, sometimes tone is the sole component of the nominalization operation or, as in Esahie, it concurs with the affix to the derivation, hence playing a morphological function.
In Japanese, direct combination of verbs or adjectives by coordination (with to 'and') or juxtaposition (with its empty counterpart) can form a NP, if the conjuncts are antonymous to each other; the coordinator to 'and' can combine only NPs elsewhere. We claim that this is because there is a phonetically empty nominalizer that can nominalize each conjunct, and that the new nominal construction has been gradually developing in the history of Japanese. An acceptability-rating experiment targeting 400 participants shows that the younger speakers were likely to judge this construction more acceptable than the older ones, that this tendency is slightly weaker in the Nominative condition than in the Genitive condition, and that the coordination condition was significantly worse than the juxtaposition condition.
Nominalization has been at the forefront of linguistic research since the early days of generative grammar (Lees 1960, Vendler 1968, Lakoff 1970). The theoretical debate as to how a theory of grammar should be envisaged in order to capture the morphosyntactic and semantic complexity of nominalization, initiated by Chomsky's (1970) Remarks on nominalization, is just as lively today, after five decades during which both the empirical scope and the methodology of linguistic research have seen enormous progress. We are delighted to be able to mark this occasion through our collection, next to the anniversary volume Nominalization: 50 Years on from Chomsky's Remarks, edited by Artemis Alexiadou and Hagit Borer, soon to appear with Oxford University Press.
DeriMo is an international meeting dealing with derivational morphology from the perspective of data analysis. Its second edition DeriMo 2019 was held at the Faculty of Mathematics and Physics, Charles University in Prague. The local organizers are researchers of the Institute of Formal and Applied Linguistics (ÚFAL = Ústav Formální a Aplikované Linguistiky) at the Computer Science School of the Faculty of Mathematics and Physics. Chairs of the program committee were Magda Ševčíková (ÚFAL), Zdeněk Žabokrtský (ÚFAL), Eleonora Litta Modignani Picozzi (CIRCSE, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan), and Marco Passarotti (CIRCSE, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan).
The relation between word-formation and syntax and whether they form distinct domains of grammar or not has been discussed controversially in different theoretical frameworks. The answer to this question is closely connected to the languages under discussion, among other things, because languages seem to differ considerably in this regard. The discussion in this paper focuses on nominal compounds and phrases. On the basis of a great variety of data from a total of 14 European languages, it is argued that the relation between compounds and phrases, and, more generally, between word formation and syntax, should be characterized not in terms of a categorical but instead in terms of a gradient distinction.
This article deals with the development of -igen verbs in German since the Old High German period, demonstrating that this can be regarded as a process in which the adjective formation morpheme -ig gradually develops into a component of a word formation pattern that derives transitive verbs from nouns. An -igen-verb can be descended not only from an -ig-adjective (würdig – würdigen) but also from a noun without an intermediary -ig-adjective (Pein – *peinig – peinigen). In this article, it is claimed that a word formation pattern with -ig develops over time. The emergence of this word formation pattern can be described as a "reanalysis" of the verb structure accompanied by a "resegmentation" of the original word structure and a semantic "remotivation" of the established unit. It is also pointed out that this development is particularly evident in the Middle High German period.
The International Morphology Meeting is a biennial event held alternately in Vienna and Budapest. The eighteenth edition took place in Budapest in May 2018 and it was organised by the Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, in collaboration with the Department of Theoretical Linguistics and the Department of English Linguistics of Eötvös Loránd University (ELTE). The meeting has invariably dealt with all aspects of morphology, with no preference for any particular framework or approach, albeit offering a leitmotif to orient authors who wish to give a presentation in the main session. This edition’s main theme was "Paradigms in inflection and word formation synchronically and diachronically", which provided potential presenters with the opportunity to submit abstracts in a wide range of topics. In addition to the main session, the conference hosted three workshops: (1) Models and methods in morphology; (2) The learnability of complex constructions from a cross-linguistic perspective; (3) Morphological aspects of Uralic and Turkic languages.
This paper approaches productivity by considering three case studies: compounds, blends and phrasal verbs. The aim of the paper is to encourage a discussion about the factors involved in the notion of productivity, and to show why so many of the established measures are not completely satisfactory or are interpreted in a way that is not.
Department of British and American Studies in cooperation with SKASE (The Slovak Association for the Study of English) organized the Word-Formation Theories III & Typology and Universals in Word-Formation IV Conference. The Conference took place at P.J. Šafárik University in Košice, Slovakia, from 27 June to 30 June 2018. The event was organized by Slávka Tomaščíková, Lívia Körtvélyessy and Pavol Štekauer (P.J. Šafárik University in Košice, Slovakia) and with the support of the APVV project No: APVV-16–0035 Research into extralinguistic factors of word-formation and word-interpretation. The program and the book of abstracts are available at the conference homepage http://kaa.ff.upjs.sk/en/alumni-club/33/word-formation-theories-iii-typology-and-universals-in-word-formation-iv.
Am 31. März 2017 und 01. April 2017 fand in Lyon unter Federführung des Forschungszentrums Centre d'Etudes Linguistiques (CEL – EA 1663) und unter Beteiligung des Labors Interactions, Corpus, Apprentissages, Représentations (ICAR – UMR 5191) der Universitäten Lumière Lyon 2 und der Ecole Normale Supérieure de Lyon ein internationaler Kongress zu Formen, Verfahren und Funktionen der Bildung lexematischer und polylexematischer Einheiten im Deutschen (Formation et préformation lexicale de l'allemand) statt. GermanistInnen aus Deutschland, Frankreich, Polen, Russland und Spanien nahmen an diesem Symposium teil.
Morphology Days is a (nearly) biennial international meeting which deals with morphology within different frameworks and in various perspectives Previous editions of this conference have taken place in Leuven (2015), Leeuwarden (2013), Leiden (2012), Nijmegen (2011), Luik (2009) and Amsterdam (2007) While the first editions of the conference were mainly addressed to researchers working on morphology in the Netherlands and in Belgium, the last editions – including this one – included international contributions The programme and the book of abstract is available at the conference’s homepage at https://morphologydays2017.wordpress.com/program/. Organized by Philippe Hiligsmann, Kristel Van Goethem, Nikos Koutsoukos and Isa Hendrikx from the Université Catholique de Louvain, and Laurent Raiser from the Université de Liège, this edition of Morphology Days hosted more than 30 researchers, among which 3 plenary speakers, coming not only from Belgium but also from France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States. Although both inflection and derivation (affixation) where dealt with in the talks, this conference report will only address the studies on derivation.
This paper studies the morphological productivity of German N+N compounding patterns from a diachronic perspective. It argues that the productivity of compounds increases due to syntactic influence from genitive constructions ("improper compounds") in Early New High German. Both quantitative and qualitative productivity measures are adapted from derivational morphology and tested on compound data from the Mainz Corpus of (Early) New High German (1500–1710).
We analyze English and Greek nominal synthetic compounds like truck driver and truck driving from a syntactic perspective couched within Distributed Morphology. We derive the main differences between the two languages from the different morphosyntactic status of the non-head nouns, which are roots in Greek but categorized words in English.
This paper examines whether gender features (masculine, feminine, neuter) in German have to be interpreted semantically, along their specific gender, or whether they allow for a gender unrelated interpretation. As to this, two experiments with two different classes of nouns (gender marked and sex marked nouns vs. gender marked and sex neutral nouns) were conducted. The first experiment supports the view that in their function as nominal predicates masculine nouns, contrary to feminine (and neuter) nouns, have the widest extension – which confirms the existence of a ‘Generic Masculine’ (Generisches Maskulinum). On the other hand, the second experiment shows that in their function as subjects masculine nouns, contrary to feminine (and neuter) nouns, are the least flexible agreement controllers – hardly allowing for gender mismatches. Thus, masculine nouns behave differently depending on whether they appear as controllers/sources of agreement or as targets of agreement. The findings are supplemented by corpus data.
Mit Hilfe der Sprache verstehen wir einander, kommunizieren wir mit den Menschen um uns herum, denken wir über Dinge und Vorgänge nach; die Sprache hilft uns die Welt und die Menschen um uns zu erfassen. Die Sprachen, die sich gleichzeitig mit den menschlichen Gemeinschaften entwickeln, eignen wir uns nicht nur an und benutzen sie, sondern wir erforschen sie auch. Die Erforschung der Sprachen hat auf allgemeiner Ebene weltweit eine sehr lange Tradition. Auf ihre Entwicklung haben einen bedeutenden Einfluss nicht nur die „traditionellen“ Wissenschaftsdisziplinen wie zum Beispiel die Linguistik, die Literaturwissenschaft, die Pädagogik oder die Geschichtswissenschaften, sondern auch sich stetig etablierende neuere Wissenschaften, zu denen etwa die Soziolinguistik, die Psycholinguistik, die Kontakt- oder Areallinguistik oder die Fremdsprachendidaktik gehören. Wie zum Teil bereits durch einige soeben genannte wissenschaftliche Disziplinen angedeutet, wird die Erforschung der Sprachen durch die gesellschaftspolitische Entwicklung eines konkreten soziokulturellen und regional eingeschränkten Umfelds während einer bestimmten zeitlich begrenzten Epoche beeinflusst. Eine der wichtigsten Herausforderungen für die heutige Gesellschaft ist neben der Entwicklung einer funktionellen Mehrsprachigkeit des Einzelnen auch die Respektierung sprachlicher wie kultureller Vielfalt, die Wahrnehmung der Sprache als identitätsbestimmendes und identitätsentwickelndes Phänomen sowie als wichtiger Bestandteil unseres gemeinsamen kulturellen Erbes.
In diesem Verständnis wurde die Konferenz Deutsch ohne Grenzen zum Anlass für eine internationale wissenschaftliche Diskussion über die aktuelle Entwicklung im Bereich der multidimensional und transnational aufgefassten germanistischen Linguistik und Literaturwissenschaft, ausgewählter Gesellschaftswissenschaften sowie der Didaktik im Fach Deutsch als Fremdsprache im europäischen Kontext.
Der vierteilige Sammelband beinhaltet den Großteil der im Verlauf dieser Konferenz präsentierten theoretischen und empirischen Beiträge, die im September 2014 an der Pädagogischen und an der Philosophischen Fakultät der Südböhmischen Universität in České Budějovice stattgefunden hat. Ihr Hauptorganisator war der Germanistenverband der Tschechischen Republik. An der Konferenz nahmen 142 Fachleute aus elf Ländern teil. [...]
Der vorliegende Teil des Sammelbandes stellt die linguistische Sektion dar, in der das Phänomen Grenze als eines der Zentralthemen der gegenwärtigen linguistischen Forschung thematisiert wurde. Die einzelnen Beiträge konzentrierten sich auf die Frage, ob die Sprache als Kommunikationsmittel wirklich ohne Grenzen ist. Hinsichtlich der Komplexität der natürlichen Sprachen ist die Frage völlig berechtigt, ob gewisse Grenzen wirklich bestimmt werden können, sollen oder sogar müssen, wenn diese komplexen symbolischen Systeme verstanden bzw. auf metasprachlicher Ebene beschrieben werden sollen. Dank der Vertretung von Vortragenden aus mehreren Ländern konnte die Problematik im Kontext der tschechischen wie auch der internationalen germanistischen Forschung untersucht werden. Außer anderem kann auch diese Grenzüberschreitung und die damit verbundene Konfrontation von diversen Perspektiven der Erforschung des Gegenwartsdeutschen für einen bedeutenden Beitrag dieser Konferenz gehalten werden. Dem Wort Grenze wird auch der gesamte erste Aufsatz dieses Sammelbandes gewidmet, in dem dieses Wort vom lexikalischen und stilistischen Gesichtspunkt aus sehr ausführlich untersucht wird.
Die einzelnen Studien spiegeln die aktuelle empirische und theoretische Erforschung der deutschen Sprache wider, wobei sie diverse Schwerpunkte akzentuieren. In den ersten Beiträgen steht die Diachronik im Fokus. Sie widmen sich unter anderem der Beschreibung von mittelalterlichen medizinischen Texten, den sog. Zaubersprüchen, Segen und Beschwörungen, und ihrer sprachlichen Charakterisierung, der historischen Semantik und Möglichkeiten deren Erforschung am Beispiel von historiographischen Texten, der frühen Kodifizierung der deutschen Zeichensetzung, der Problematik der geschriebenen Sprache in der Zeit des Humanismus an der böhmisch-sächsischen Grenze, der Distribution und Funktion von Phraseologismen in journalistischen Texten der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, den deutschen Dialekten in Mähren und der Rolle der Sprache, die sie als Kommunikationsmittel einer bestimmten Nation hinsichtlich der historischen Soziolinguistik erfüllt.
Podravski kajkavski dijalekt
(2011)
Objavljene gramatike hrvatskoga kajkavskog književnog jezika pokušaj su, prije svega, olakšavanja učenja toga jezika strancima s njemačkoga govornog područja. Iako imaju opisni karakter, one su i ogledalo stupnja normiranosti hrvatskoga kajkavskog književnog jezika. U ovom radu donosi se opis i sistematizacija tvorbe komparativa u kajkavskim gramatikama.
Ich möchte […] drei Beispiele für den produktiven Dialog zwischen Historischer Sprachwissenschaft und Sprachtypologie liefern: 1. Den phonologisch-typologischen Wandel des Deutschen von einer Silben- zu einer Wortsprache, 2. die frühnhd. 'Justierung' der Abfolge grammatischer Kategorien am Verb gemäß der universellen Relevanzskala, und 3. die Entwicklung unseres Höflichkeitssystems am Beispiel der Anredepronomen. Weder liefere ich Neues noch kann ich ins Detail gehen. Es geht hier nur darum, für die gegenseitige Wahrnehmung und Zusammenarbeit linguistischer Disziplinen zu werben.
Allein in der Morphologie (Flexion und Wortbildung) gibt es derzeit etwa ein Dutzend "Baustellen", die systematisch Zweifelsfälle generieren. Sie bilden für den universitären Unterricht – und zwar für den grammatisch-deskriptiven wie auch für den sprachhistorischen – ein ungemein ertragreiches und auch beliebtes Thema. wie die eigene Erfahrung mit mehreren entsprechenden Veranstaltungen lehrt: Die Studierenden – meist künftige Lehrerinnen – lernen, dass sprachliche Regeln variabel sein können, doch keineswegs beliebig. Diese Einsicht reicht jedoch nicht: Man kann gerade anhand von Zweifelstallen zeigen. dass Regeln nicht per se existieren (oder womöglich von der Linguistik oder der Grammatikografie am Schreibtisch erstellt werden), sondern dass sie entstehen und vergehen können, also veränderlich sind, auch. dass sie Funktionen haben, die uns – den Sprachbenutzern – zugute kommen. Zieht man sprachhistorisches Wissen hinzu. so wird in den meisten Fällen deutlich, dass Zweifel stalle Sprachwandel im Verlauf darstellen und dass sie der Optimierung von etwas dienen, also vermehrte Funktionalität herstellen. Damit kann man auch der öffentlichen Gleichsetzung von Sprachwandel mit Sprachverfall entgegenwirken. Das Bewusstsein dafür, dass sich Sprache auch heute wandelt, überrascht viele: Man begreift Sprache viel zu oft als statisch. Zweifelfälle lassen sich auch leicht in schriftlichen Korpora wie dem DWDS oder Cosmas vom IDS und per Google finden. In den Grammatiken werden sie sehr heterogen. oft widersprüchlich behandelt. Mit solchen Recherchen lässt sich eine Unterrichtseinheit gut beginnen. Auch zu Ende der Sekundarstufe lassen sich Zweifelsfälle in den Grammatikunterricht integrieren, wenngleich sprachhistorisches Wissen nicht vorausgesetzt werden kann. Es gilt jedoch ein Verständnis für die Veränderlichkeit von Sprache zu wecken, und zwar nicht bezüglich der viel stärker beachteten Lexik, sondern der Grammatik. Schüler wie Studierende entwickeln schnell Interesse an Zweifel stallen, wenn man sie statt zur Frage nach Richtig versus Falsch zur Frage nach dem Woher und Wohin und vor allem nach dem Warum leitet, also dazu, echtes Verständnis für Grammatik zu entwickeln. Dichotomisches, normatives Denken wird überführt in skalares, jenseits von starren Normen befindliches. In einem letzten Schritt wird der Schluss zu ziehen sein, dass echte Zweifelsfälle keine Fehler sind: Beide Varianten sind akzeptabel.
Im Folgenden soll der […] Zweifelsfall adjektivischer Parallel- vs. Wechselflexion von diesen Seiten beleuchtet werden. Dabei wird deutlich, dass er nicht nur für Schule und Universität. sondern auch für die Grammatikografie Anregungen und Fragen aufwirft: Statt fester Regeln ergeben sich nur mehr oder weniger deutliche Tendenzen.
In diesem Beitrag soll der semantische Wandel einiger Frauenbezeichnungen analysiert, v.a. zunächst differenziert und anschließend erklärt werden. In fast jeder sprachgeschichtlichen Einführung dient der semantische Wandel der Frauenbezeichnungen als das Paradebeispiel für den semantischen Pfad der Abwertung, der Pejorisierung. Nach Begründungen wird jedoch erstaunlich selten gefragt. Indessen hat es sich seit den 1990er Jahren schnell durchgesetzt, hierfür die eingängige, auf den ersten Blick etwas paradox erscheinende Erklärung von Rudi Keller anzuführen, wonach die semantische Abwertung der Frau in Wirklichkeit auf ihre zu häufi ge Aufwertung, ihre Verehrung und Erhöhung zurückzuführen sei und damit ein sog. "Invisible-hand-Phänomen" bilde.
Überraschenderweise hat eine Auseinandersetzung mit dieser unhinterfragt, ja fast dankbar angenommenen Erklärung kaum stattgefunden. Immerhin präsupponiert diese einiges, etwa dass Frauen sich Männern gegenüber nicht höflich verhielten, bei der Wortwahl also nicht "eine Etage höher" griffen, des Weiteren, dass sich nur das männliche Sprechen über Frauen durchgesetzt haben muss: Haben Frauen nicht gesprochen? Oder hat sich ihr Sprachgebrauch nicht durchgesetzt? Wenn ja, warum?
Dieser Beitrag setzt sich kritisch mit der Kellerschen Erklärung auseinander und argumentiert dafür, dass es sich bei diesem semantischen Wandel um einen Spiegel und nicht, wie Keller (1995) behauptet, um einen "Zerrspiegel des Kulturwandels" handelt.
Contemporary German abounds in doubtful cases where linking elements alternate with zero elements, such as Seminar(+s?+)arbeit 'term paper', Respekt(+s?+)person 'person who commands respect'. This variation indicates a profound language change in the course of which the linking +s+ has spread continuously since Early New High German and is replacing the zero element more and more often. Today, +s+ is the most productive, progressive and most frequently occurring linking element. In this paper, we provide an explanation for the doubtful cases. Most often, the linking +s+ depends directly on the phonological quality of the first part of the compound: the worse its phonological structure, the more likely the occurrence of the linking +s+. It occurs most regularly after first parts of compounds containing a suffix or an unstressed prefix (Verkáuf+s+gespräch 'sales conversation'), while words with an ideal phonological structure (monosyllabic or trochaic words) rarely attract the linking +s+. The variation concentrates on compounds whose first parts feature a stressed prefix (Éinkauf(+s?+)führer 'shopping guide'). There is, however, a further factor which leads to fluctuation in the occurrence of the linking +s+. In cases where the second part of synthetic compounds such as Auftrag(+s?+)geber 'client' contain a high degree of verbality, the linking +s+ blurs the syntactic relation between the immediate constituents, strengthening the morphological character of the compound.
Zu dem Strauß der Bindestrichlinguistiken gesellt sich derzeit ein weiteres, besonders interessantes und vielversprechendes Exemplar, die sog. Zweifelsfall-Linguistik. Ihre Entstehung kann man mit dem "Linguistik online"-Heft "Sprachliche Zweifelsfälle. Theorie und Empirie" [...] auf das Jahr 2003 datieren. [...]
Aus historisch-linguistischer Perspektive handelt es sich sehr häufig um Fälle sich gegenwärtig vollziehenden Sprachwandels, d.h. was heute an seismischen Bewegungen registriert wird, hat seinen Herd, um in diesem Bild zu bleiben, oft im Frühneuhochdeutschen oder noch früher. [...] Gerade für die zukünftigen LehrerInnen ist es wichtig, von der richtig/falsch-Zentriertheit von Zweifelsfällen wegzukommen und stattdessen der Ratio dieses Phänomens näherzukommen (um dann bessere Anleitungen geben zu können). In Veranstaltungen zu Zweifelsfällen erlangt man übrigens eine beträchtliche diachrone Tiefe, d.h. die Bereitschaft, sich in das Problem, seine Genese und seine Hintergründe einzuarbeiten, ist erfreulich hoch. Interessant (und noch nicht erforscht) ist dabei die unterschiedliche Salienz grammatischer Zweifelsfälle: Während die Fugensetzung sofort als Zweifelsfall erkannt und bestätigt wird, ist es bei der schwankenden Flexion zweier koordinierter Adjektive im Dativ ohne Determinans ("unter großem finanziellem?/finanziellen? Aufwand") anders. Auch wenn die Korpora die Schwankung zwischen Parallel- und Wechselflexion zweifelsfrei als Zweifelsfall ausweisen (ca. zwei Drittel Wechselflexion, ca. ein Drittel Parallelflexion), so erreicht diese Flexionsunsicherheit keinen hohen Bewusstheitsgrad. Die höchste Salienz erreichen übrigens orthographische Zweifelsfälle [...], danach Wortbildungsprobleme wie die (Un-)Trennbarkeit von Präfixen vom Typ "gedownloadet/downgeloadet".
This paper aims to work toward a proper understanding of the role of preverbal ge- in Old English (henceforth OE) and its disappearance in the course of Middle English. This prefix is reminiscent of its cognates in Modern German and Dutch (also written ge-) in its distribution, but even a cursory examination of the details reveals it to be quite distinct, as we will see. The proper characterization of that distribution, and of its diachronic development, has proven to be extremely difficult. I have thus carried out a large-scale corpus study using the York-Toronto-Helsinki parsed corpus of Old English prose (Taylor et al. 2003) and the Penn-Helsinki parsed corpus of Middle English, 2nd ed. (Kroch & Taylor 1999). This paper will report the results of the first phase of the project, involving patterns in the data that could be identified primarily on the basis of automatic searches in the corpora.
In terms of the direction of development, I referred to Johanna Nichols' work on head-marking vs. dependant marking. Nichols did not make reference to any languages in Tibeto-Burman, but all of the Tibeto-Burman languages that do not have verb agreement systems are solidly dependent-marking (i.e., they have marking on the nouns for case or pragmatic function); those languages with verb agreement systems, a type of head marking, also have many dependent-marking features (of the same types as the non-pronominalized languages). The question, then, is which is older, the dependent-marking type or the headmarking (actually mixed) type?
This paper is part of an ongoing investigation into the nature of grammatical relations in the Sino-Tibetan language family. The ultimate goal of this investigation is to develop a hypothesis on the typological nature of word order and grammatical relations in the mother language which gave rise to all of the many languages within the Sino Tibetan language family. As the verb agreement (pronominalization) systems of Tibeto-Burman have been said to be a type of ergative marking, and to have been a part of Proto-Tibeto-Burman grammatical relations, the questions of the dating and nature of the agreement systems in Tibeto-Burman are relevant to the discussion of the nature of grammatical relations in Proto-Sino-Tibetan.
Since the mid-1970's, the question of whether or not a verb agreement system1 (VAS) should be reconstructed for Proto-Tibeto-Bunnan (PTB) has been a controversial topic, but because of the large amount of work published arguing in favor of reconstructing a VAS for PTB, especially by James J. Bauman (1974, 1975a, 1975b, 1979) and Scott DeLancey (1980, 1983, 1988, 1989, to appear), many people have begun to accept the existence of a VAS in PTB as received knowledge. In a recent paper on verb agreement systems in Tibeto-Burman, Scott DeLancey states that 'There can no longer be any serious doubt that a system of verb agreement must be attributed to Proto-Tibeto-Bunnan (PTB)' (DeLancey 1988: 1). Though the number of papers supporting this position is quite large, I would like to raise several serious doubts about the theoretical and methodological basis for reconstructing a VAS for PTB' and at the same time argue for the use of functionally and typologically based theories of grammar, as exemplified by the head-marking/dependent-marking distinction developed in Nichols 1986, in diachronic syntax and syntactic reconstruction.
Words ending with the suffix -ost are very common in Czech business language. In German the corresponding words are words derived using different suffixes, created by implicit derivation without suffixes, or formed as compounds. These particularly involve words indicating share, frequency or intensity. Moreover, the Czech negation ne- is expressed in various ways in the German equivalents. There exists a wide variety of equivalents to Czech words derived with the suffix -ost, so it is advisable to familiarize students of translation courses with this fact. Students tend to create these words mostly by using the suffixes -heit or -keit.
The collection of papers in this volume presents results of a collaborative project between the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London, the Zentrum für allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Typologie und Universalienforschung (ZAS) in Berlin, and the University of Leiden. All three institutions have a strong interest in the linguistics of Bantu languages, and in 2003 decided to set up a network to compare results and to provide a platform for on-going discussion of different topics on which their research interests converged. The project received funding from the British Academy International Networks Programme, and from 2003 to 2006 seven meetings were held at the institutions involved under the title Bantu Grammar: Description and Theory, indicating the shared belief that current research in Bantu is best served by combining the description of new data with theoretically informed analysis. During the life-time of the network, and partly in conjunction with it, larger externally funded Bantu research projects have been set up at all institutions: projects on word-order and morphological marking and on phrasal phonology in Leiden, on pronominal reference, agreement and clitics in Romance and Bantu at SOAS, and on focus in Southern Bantu languages at ZAS. The papers in this volume provide a sampling of the work developed within the network and show, or so we think, how fruitful the sharing of ideas over the last three years has been. While the current British Academy-funded network is coming to an end in 2006, we hope that the cooperative structures we have established will continue to develop - and be expanded - in the future, providing many future opportunities to exchange findings and ideas about Bantu linguistics.
One of the means of expressing emotional content is the naming of people. Many negative personal names are created using derivation (suffixes); the goal of this study is to determine which suffixes are frequently used and whether any German suffixes have primarily negative meanings.
Příspěvek z oblasti kontrastivní lingvistiky se zabývá jednotlivými typy ĉeských etických dativŧ, popisuje jejich funkce, sémantické a syntaktické vlastnosti a protějšky v němĉině. Výzkum se opírá o autentická jazyková data vytěţená z elektronických korpusŧ.
V prŧběhu komunikace mŧţe mluvĉí informovat posluchaĉe o svém citovém rozpoloţení přímo, mŧţe ale také své emoce demonstrovat nepřímo, a to pomocí široké palety prvkŧ, poĉínaje obleĉením a drţením těla aţ po rŧzné jazykové prostředky, které k vyjádření emocí mohou, ale nemusí být primárně předurĉeny. Tyto prostředky se dají analyzovat z hlediska morfologického, syntaktického a také z hlediska slovotvorného. Jedná se jak o deriváty, tak o kompozita, která mohou z pragmatického pohledu podmiňovat praktick, nepřehledné mnoţství významových odstínŧ a konotativních zabarvení. Spontánní projev spojený s bezprostředním projevem citŧ je zvláště příznaĉný pro dnešní dobu.
Tento článek tématicky navazuje na přìspěvek "Nominalizačnì tendence v jazyce ekonomiky" v časopise Studia Germanistica 3, přičemņ podává odpovědi na otázky spjaté s tehdy vznikajìcì disertačnì pracì s názvem "Grammatische Mittel der Informationskondensierung in Wirtschaftstexten". V článku je zmìněna souvislost mezi mìrou abstrakce a jazykovou kondenzacì a také pragmatické faktory, které ovlivņujì jejì výskyt v odborném textu. Ve druhé části jsou souhrnně uvedeny výsledky empirické analýzy v oblasti infinitivnìch konstrukcì. Pozornost je věnována zejména faktorům, které majì vliv na jejich uņitì v textu oproti konkurenčnìm vedlejńìm větám.
V německých gramatikách i speciálních studiích se často uvádějí prefigovaná slovesa, jako einschlafen, ausziehen aj., jako příklad sloves dokonavých (perfektivních, telických). Na druhé straně atributivním prézentním participiím (Partizip I) z nich tvořeným (einschlafende, ausziehende) se přisuzuje vid pouze nedokonavý. Na základě korpusového výzkumu se v této studii dokazuje, že prézentní atributivní participia mají v německých textech i význam dokonavý, i když se tento význam uplatňuje poměrně zřídka.
Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich mit dem muttersprachlich Erwerb (L1) des Genus im Deutschen. Im Zentrum der Untersuchung steht die Frage, wie ein Kind aus dem ihm angebotenen Sprachinformationen das komplexe System der Genusmarkierung erwirbt. Sie wird anhand von Daten aus einer Langzeitstudie eines monolingual aufwachsenden deutschen Kindes erörtert. Der Rahmen dieser Arbeit erforderte bei ihrem Aufbau gewisse Einschränkungen. So habe ich mich in der Auswertung der Erwerbsdaten auf den bestimmten Artikel als Genusanzeiger konzentriert. Als Artikel zeichnet er sich gegenüber den ebenfalls genusabhängigen Adjektiven dadurch aus, dass er eine meist obligatorische Konstituente einer Nominalphrase (NP) mit einem Substantiv darstellt. Der bestimmte Artikel wiederum ist einerseits der frequenteste unter den Artikelwörtern und weist andererseits das differenzierteste Formeninventar auf, wobei er als einziger Artikel im Nominativ alle drei Genera differenziert. Auch habe ich mich entschlossen, auf eine Gegenüberstellung und Diskussion verschiedener Spracherwerbstheorien zu verzichten und stattdessen ausführlicher auf die Aspekte, die im Erwerbsprozess selbst und somit für die Datenanalyse relevant sind, einzugehen. Dabei sollen unterschiedliche Ansätze berücksichtigt sowie die aktuelle Forschungslage dargestellt werden.
Ziel der Untersuchung ist der Erwerb von aspektuellen Markierungen im Bulgarischen. Da Bulgarisch über ein nominales Artikelsystem und über eine verbale Aspektkategorie verfügt, liefert es eine ausgezeichnete Gelegenheit, die Verwendung von nominalen und verbalen Aspektmarkierungen im frühen Spracherwerb aufzuzeigen. Der Artikel präsentiert die Daten aus einer Langzeitstudie und einer experimentellen Testreihe. Die Ergebnisse belegen, dass die bulgarischen Kinder am Anfang vom Prinzip der Aspektkomposition Gebrauch machen. Aspektuell unmarkierte Verben werden durch definite Objekte ergänzt, um begrenzte Handlungen auszudrücken. Der schnelle Erwerb der Aspektmorphologie verschiebt die Gewichtung im Satz von den nominalen zu den verbalen Aspektmarkern. Im Alter von zweieinhalb Jahren beherrschen die bulgarischen Kinder die sprachspezifische syntaktische Anforderung, dass perfektiv markierte Prädikate quantitativ definite Argumente verlangen.