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In anaphora resolution theory, it has been assumed that anaphora resolution is based on a reversed mapping of antecedent salience and anaphora complexity: minimal complex anaphora refer to maximal salient antecedents. In order to ex-amine whether and by which developmental steps German children gain command of this mapping maxim we conducted an experiment on production and comprehension of intersentential pronouns including the three pronoun types zero, personal, and demonstrative pronoun. With respect to antecedent salience, the experiment varied syntactic role (subject/object) and in/animacy. Six age groups of children (age range from 2;0 to 6;0) and an adult control group has been tested. The hypothesis arising from the mapping maxim is that zero pronoun correlates with more salient antecedents than personal and demonstrative pronoun, the latter correlating with the least salient antecedents. The results are: In production, children first establish the opposition of zero pronoun with animate antecedents vs. demonstrative pronoun with inanimate antecedents. In a next step, syntactic role comes into play and a more complex system opposing the three presented pronoun types is established. In comprehension, however, the effect of pronoun type re-mains weak and antecedent features remain a strong factor in reference choice. However, also adults employ pronoun type and antecedent features. The oldest children and the adults show variation in personal pronoun resolution according to the animacy pattern of the potential antecedents. In case of identical animacy features, the subject is the preferred candidate; in case of distinct animacy features, there is a tendency to choose the object antecedent.
This paper presents psycholinguistic evidence on the factors governing the resolution of German personal pronouns. To determine the relative influence of linear order versus grammatical function of potential antecedents, two interpretation-preference tasks were designed. Their specific aim was to disentangle salience factors conflated in previous research on pronoun interpretation, such as linear or-der, first mention and topicalization. Experiment 1 tested pronoun resolution to non-sentence-initial position (scrambling) and Experiment 2 tested pronoun resolution to sentence-initial position (topicalization). The results across different verb types and across different syntactic contexts in Experiments 1 and 2 show that grammatical function, yet neither linear order, first mention nor topicalization predicts pronoun resolution in German.
This paper discusses results from a corpus study of German demonstrative and personal pronouns and from a reading time experiment in which we compared the interpretation options of the two types of pronouns (Bosch et al. 2003, 2007). A careful review of exceptions to a generalisation we had been suggesting in those papers (the Subject Hypothesis: "Personal pronouns prefer subject antecedents and demonstratives prefer non-subject antecedents") shows that, although this generalisation correctly describes a tendency in the data, it is quite wrong in claiming that the grammatical role of antecedents is the relevant parameter. In the current paper we argue that the generalisation should be formulated in terms of in-formation-structural properties of referents rather than in terms of the grammatical role of antecedent expressions.
This paper presents results of corpus analytic investigations of children's use of referring expressions and considers possible implications of this work for questions relating to development of theory of mind. The study confirms previous findings that children use the full range of referring forms (definite and indefinite articles, demonstrative determiners, and demonstrative and personal pronouns) appropriately by age 3 or earlier. It also provides support for two distinct stages in mind-reading ability. The first, which is implicit and non-propositional, includes the ability to assess cognitive statuses such as familiarity and focus of attention in relation to the intended referent; the second, which is propositional and more conscious, includes the ability to assess epistemic states such as knowledge and belief. Distinguishing these two stages supports attempts to reconcile seemingly inconsistent results concerning the age at which children develop theory of mind. It also makes it possible to explain why children learn to use forms correctly be-fore they exhibit the pragmatic ability to consider and calculate quantity implicatures.
Pokazatelji brojivosti
(2007)
Predmet ovog rada su kajkavizmi u Tkonskom zborniku – glagoljskom rukopisu koji je početkom 16. stoljeća pisan na frankopanskim posjedima. Utvrđeno je da su u tom rukopisu prisutni kajkavizmi na svim razinama: fonološkoj, morfološkoj, leksičkoj i sintaktičkoj. Najviše je kajkavizama na leksičkoj razini, a oni se mogu podijeliti u dvije skupine: 1. zajednički čakavsko- kajkavski sloj, npr. betegь, gdo, nigdar, hiniti, hud, kaštigati, lotar itd.; 2. kajkavski sloj, npr. fajtati, gorup, nekoteri, pokrivača, škoda, špotati, tanac itd. Prva je kategorija leksema interpolirana u gotovo svim dijelovima CTk, a druga je najčešća u Cvetu od kreposti i Muci. Tkonski zbornik čuva jedno ogromno leksičko bogatstvo, a pri usporedbi pojedinih leksema s onima u hrvatskoglagoljskim misalima i brevijarima, zaključeno je da su neki od njih potvrđeni i ranije, npr. betegь, kaštigati, praviti, gorup, tanac itd. To je potvrda o kontinuitetu hrvatskoglagoljske književnosti. Interpolacija kajkavizama nije ujednačena u svim dijelovima zbornika, kajkavske su intervencije najčešće u Cvetu od kreposti (f. 67 – 85) i u Muci Spasitelja našega (f. 109 – 161). Na temelju provedenog istraživanja može se zaključiti da je Tkonski zbornik rukopis sastavljen iz različitih dijelova, koji nisu nastali u istom razdoblju, ni na istom mjestu. Budući da kajkavizme u pojedinim dijelovima nalazimo na svim razinama (Cvet od kreposti i Muka), može se pretpostaviti da su oni nastali u sjevernom području, tj. bliže kajkavskom.
U radu se iznose tzv. lažni parovi (prijatelji), leksemi u hrvatskom i rumunjskom jeziku koji zbog svoje izrazne podudarnosti navode na pogrešno prevođenje. Navode se značajke koje su dovele do takvih pojava. S obzirom na podrijetlo, najčešće je riječ o leksemima naslijeđenima iz latinskoga jezika ili kasnijim romanizmima te dakako slavenskima, kojih je u rumunjskome nezanemariv broj. Izdvojeni se leksemi razvrstavaju u tablicu koja omogućuje njihovu prozirniju usporedbu i lakše prepoznavanje.
Govorni se činovi najlakše prepoznaju i razgraničuju u dijalogu pa su dramski tekstovi vrlo pogodni za analizu i propitivanje teorije govornih činova. Krležinoj drami U agoniji možemo pristupiti kao korpusu za oprimjerenje konstativnoga i performativnoga shvaćanja jezika. U toj se drami sukob doista gradi na oprečnome shvaćanju jezika, a to se i verbalno eksplicira, pa se drama odvija na svojevrsnoj metajezičnoj razini gdje se glavni karakteri “svađaju” zato što govore različitim jezicima. Govorni činovi u drami, posebice komplimenti, analizirani su i s aspekta feminističke lingvistike.