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Während seines Aufenthaltes in Algerien hatte Pierre Bourdieu die eminente Bedeutung des Symbolischen erkannt. In der traditionellen Gesellschaft der Kabylei entdeckte er die relative Unabhängigkeit des Symbolischen (etwa der Ehre) gegenüber dem Ökonomischen. Mit Marx und Weber stimmte er darin überein, dass Sinnbeziehungen auf Machtbeziehungen beruhen. Während Marx in seiner antiidealistischen Haltung das Symbolische als eine bloße Widerspiegelung der ökonomisch- politischen Beziehungen betrachtete, unterstrich Bourdieu die Eigenlogik des Symbolischen, das nicht auf das Ökonomische im engeren Sinn reduziert werden kann. Der Begriff des symbolischen Kapitals wurde dann zu einer zentralen Kategorie des Theoriegebäudes von Bourdieu.
Die symbolische Dimension von Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnissen galt Pierre Bourdieu als Schlüssel zum Verständnis sozialer Ungleichheit in demokratisch verfassten Gesellschaften. Wenngleich er die Bedeutung materieller Ressourcen nie in Frage stellte, sah er Strukturen sozialer Ungleichheit immer auch als Resultat von alltäglichen Bewertungskämpfen, in denen Klassifikationen und evaluative Praktiken eine zentrale Rolle spielen. Besonders anschaulich beschreibt Bourdieu diese Bewertungskämpfe im Feld der Musik. Denn die vermeintlich harmlosen und trivialen Vorlieben und Aversionen waren für Bourdieu nicht nur Ausdruck klassenspezifisch geprägter Lebensstile, sondern auch ein probates Mittel zur Legitimation und Reproduktion sozialer Herrschaftsverhältnisse.
Zunächst wird kurz in Bourdieus Konzept der symbolischen Herrschaft eingeführt und dessen Stellung im Kontext seiner Theorie der Praxis verdeutlicht. Da Bourdieu sein Verständnis der symbolischen Reproduktion des Sozialen insbesondere in Bezug auf die Sprache entfaltet, wird in einem zweiten Schritt auf seine sprachsoziologischen Arbeiten eingegangen. Dabei wird das Problem der Betonung der statischen Reproduktion sozialer Ordnungen adressiert. Im dritten Abschnitt erfolgt eine Kritik und Erweiterung von Bourdieus Perspektive im Anschluss an Judith Butler, die in "Haß spricht" eine Theorie zur Resignifikation sozialer Klassifikationen entwickelt hat und sich dabei von Bourdieus Sprachsoziologie abgrenzt. Sie betont im Unterschied zu Bourdieu die Möglichkeit der Verschiebung symbolischer Machtverhältnisse. Im Fazit werden die beiden Positionen vergleichend diskutiert und Ansätze einer Theorie sozialer Iterabilität herausgearbeitet.
Embora a ideia de “patologias sociais” ou “enfermidades” de uma sociedade inteira tenha sido bastante comum desde o Segundo Discurso de Rousseau, e especialmente proeminente dentro da tradição da teoria crítica, não está claro a quem exatamente se referea proposição de ter adoecido. Será apenas um número suficiente de pessoas individuais, será o coletivo entendido como um macro-sujeito, ou é a “sociedade” em si que foi acometida por uma desorganização específica de suas instituições sociais, afetando sua eficiência funcional de tal forma que se pode falar de uma “doença” especificamente social? Para todas as três atribuições, ou seja, as pessoas individualmente com suas doenças, a coletividade com a sua síndrome clínica particular, ou a própria sociedade como adoecida, podem ser encontrados casos na literatura correspondente. A fim de encontrar uma saída para essas perplexidades conceituais que estão no cerne dessa maneira de falar, abordo as propostas teóricas de Alexander Mitscherlich e Sigmund Freud, ambos defensores de um conceito específico de “patologias sociais” ou “enfermidades” baseado em ideias psicanalíticas. O resultado da minha reconstrução crítica será que somente uma compreensão da sociedade como uma entidade orgânica permite um uso não redutor da ideia de “patologias sociais”.
This study offers in its first part a brief description of the text genre, analysing the specific lexical and formal features as well as the specific text composition means. As wedding announcements haven’t been examined from a contrastive (German/Romanian)/intercultural point of view yet, it is relevant to mention some research directions and methods.
The Romanian literature of the 18th century is witnessing a remarkable metamorphosis, whereas step by step the Enlightment’s ideas penetrate the Romanianspeaking soil and through various mechanisms replace the medieval order in society, politics and arts. In this time of the Enlightment the small popular book “Bertoldo” from the late Italian 16th century was adapted in French and then in German and through the German intermediary reached Transylvania at the end of the 18th century (Hermannstadt, 1799). In the centre of our analysis we place the concept of “cultural transfer” and that of the “cultural translation”, concepts that help us illustrate the adaptation strategies of the foreign material and the integration principles of the Enlightment’s ideals on the Romanian soil. Working with eloquent examples from the “Bertoldo”-text in a comparative manner we will try to bring to light the interaction of the poetical and ideological functions of the translations from German and its role in forming and shaping a new kind of Romanian cultural and literary sensibility.
For intercultural language teaching, coaching students on how to perceive the cultural “other” is of crucial importance in order to avoid culturally based misunderstandings. This paper explores how perceiving the other can offer conclusions for perceiving and becoming aware of the self. Through that, a process of giving and taking ensues in which perceptions of the self and of the other are constantly fluctuating depending on the context in which the communication is taking place. At the crossroads between members of two different cultures, a dialogue emerges in which the points of view of both parties are changed. The paper outlines how perception is a construct in which one’s own origin, education, and emotions are blended in. Intercultural learning is the way to deal with this constructs in a flexible manner so as to create new interpretation patterns. It teaches how to sympathize with the other and how to better understand oneself.
The purpose of this study is to reconstruct and document the image of “The Other’’ starting with the historical street names in the Transylvanian town of Sebeş, Alba County, founded in the thirteenth century by German settlers. Due to the fact that, throughout Middle Ages, one of the criteria of naming the streets of a borough was, inter alia, the ethnic one, the street names of the town reveal the ethnic groups which would form the population of the town: Székelys (Siculorumgasse), Saxons (Sachsgasse, Herrengasse, Petrigasse a.s.o.), Romans (Opricestengasse, Suseni– and Joseni Viertel), Greek and Macedonian, as well as Germans from the Southwestern Germany and Austria, who founded the north quarter of the town, in the eighteenth century (Saxonii Noi Street, Saxonii Vechi Street, Quer Gasse). In Sebeş, the street names established after the specific place the road leads the way to also contribute to the image of “The Other’’ (Petersdorfer Gässchen, Daiagasse and Hermannstädter Straße). Furthermore, the names of various local or super regional personalities who influenced the existence of the town also have an important contribution. Examples to illustrate this aspect are particularly the street names from the early stalinist period of communism in Romania (Stalin Street, V. I. Lenin Street, Miciurin Street, Malinovski Street, Rosa Luxemburg Street).
Im Geflecht der Identitäten : Kulturgeschichtliches, dargestellt am Beispiel von János Bolyai
(2015)
The Transylvanian-born János Bolyai (1802-1860) never ceases to attract the attention of all those interested in the history of science, as he is one of the founders of non-Euclidean geometry. Bolyai also concerns the philosophy researchers, due to a social utopia, which he presents in his works, unpublished during his lifetime. From older and newer documentation, it is known that the Hungarian Bolyai nobility descent also has a German origin, from German Grafs. On the Calvaserului Valley, situated north of the Hârtibaciului Valley, lies the Buia parish, named Bolya by the Hungarians, Bell by the Germans, where the Bolyai family owned an estate and a castle. In this work, the author presents approaches concerning the genealogy of János Bolyai and reports about visits to the places where Bolyai has lived, such as Buia, Domald (Viişoara parrish) and Târgu Mureş.